Слова алтайского праязыка (*P)

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Здесь представлен реконструированный словарный фонд праалтайского языка, начинающийся на фонему *P- (X корней). из общеалтайской этимологической БД проекта "Вавилонская башня" Московской школы компаративистики.

Proto-Altaic: *pábVrV (~ p`-, -p-, -ŕ-)

Meaning: to swim, flow

Russian Meaning: плыть, течь

Tungus-Manchu: *pabri-

Japanese: *pápúr-

Comments: A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pắdà

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to spread; flag, standard

Russian Meaning: расстилать, простирать; флаг, знамя

Turkic: *bAd-rak / *bAd-ruk

Mongolian: *bad-

Tungus-Manchu: *pad-

Japanese: *pátà

Comments: Cf. *bā̀di. {Note Austronesian forms: Mar banderaŋ 'ceremonial tasseled spear', Mal benderaŋ 'spear with a tuft of goat's hair on the shaft; an emblem of royalty'; PAN *bandaŋan 'goat hair decoration on a spear or staff'}

Proto-Altaic: *pằgdì ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: to moisten, dip

Russian Meaning: увлажнять, окунать

Tungus-Manchu: *pagda-

Korean: *ptɨ́-

Japanese: *pìtà-

Comments: An Eastern isogloss. Turk. *bat- may be a contamination of this root with *pàt`á q. v. The Korean match is somewhat dubious semantically, unless one presumes a semantic development 'float' < 'be wet, flow'; this may be corroborated by apparently related (dialectal?) variants MKor. pàthắ- 'to strain, filter' and MKor. phjǝ́tì- 'to overflow'. Ramstedt (SKE 191) compares the TM forms with MKor. pằrằ- 'to plaster, smear', which is dubious (see *píla).

Proto-Altaic: *pàjá ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: to shine, glitter

Russian Meaning: светить, блестеть

Tungus-Manchu: *paja-

Japanese: *pàjá-

Comments: A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pàje ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: a k. of grass

Russian Meaning: вид травы

Tungus-Manchu: *pajī-kta

Japanese: *pǝ̀ ( ~ *puà)

Comments: A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pàjò ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: spring or autumn wind

Russian Meaning: ветер, буря

Tungus-Manchu: *pajī-

Japanese: *pàjàtì

Comments: A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss. In Turkic cf. perhaps either Karakh. (MK) ojuq 'mirage' or *bej > Chuv. paj `frost'.

Proto-Altaic: *pák`à ( ~ *p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to insert, shut in, sew in

Russian Meaning: вставлять, замыкать, вшивать

Tungus-Manchu: *paKū-

Korean: *pàk-

Japanese: *pák-

Comments: An Eastern isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pák`[ò]

Meaning: a k. of fish or sea animal

Russian Meaning: вид рыбы или морского животного

Turkic: *buka ( = *boka)

Tungus-Manchu: *paxan

Korean: *pòk

Japanese: *púká

Comments: Лексика 178. The vocalism reflects a variation between *pak`o (in most languages) and *pak`u ( > Jpn. *púká), perhaps under the influence of a similar fish name *bek`ú q. v.

Proto-Altaic: *pala ( ~ *p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: tooth

Russian Meaning: зуб

Tungus-Manchu: *palV

Korean: *par

Japanese: *pa

Comments: EAS 55-56, AKE 14, ОСНЯ 3, 95, АПиПЯЯ 109, 278. An Eastern isogloss. Jpn. reflects a suffixed form *pal(a)-gV (cf. Nan. paloa).

Proto-Altaic: *pằlgà

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: foot

Russian Meaning: нога

Turkic: *bAlak

Tungus-Manchu: *palga-n

Korean: *pár

Japanese: *pànkì

Comments: EAS 52, Цинциус 1984, 29-30, ОСНЯ 3, 67-70, Menges 1984, 284, АПиПЯЯ 13, 43, 68, 96, 279.

Proto-Altaic: *pằluk`V

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: hammer

Russian Meaning: молоток

Turkic: *bAlka

Mongolian: *haluka

Tungus-Manchu: *paluka

Comments: KW 7, Poppe 11, Цинциус 1984, 30-31, Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 78 (although, despite the two latter authors, in this case one can hardly think of a loanword). A Western isogloss. May be an old "Wanderwort" (cf. PIE *pelek'u-). Low tone and shortness reconstructed because of Mong. *h-.

Proto-Altaic: *pàńé ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: shadow

Russian Meaning: тень

Tungus-Manchu: *pańa-

Korean: *pám

Japanese: *pǝ̀nǝ́ ( ~ -ua-)

Comments: Цинциус 1984, 31. An Eastern isogloss. The Korean etymology in SKE 187 - to TM *pak- 'dark' - is hardly plausible). Cf. perhaps also TM *pāŋ-sa- ( < *pań-ŋsa?) 'black'.

Proto-Altaic: *pańi ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: ornament, attire

Russian Meaning: наряд, украшение

Tungus-Manchu: *pani-

Korean: *pìń-

Japanese: *pìnâ

Comments: An Eastern isogloss. {Cf. PE *pinŋi- (~ *pińi-) 'good, beautiful.}

Proto-Altaic: *pap`ó ( ~ p`-, -b-)

Meaning: work, order

Russian Meaning: работа, порядок

Mongolian: *(h)eb

Tungus-Manchu: *paba ( ~ -p-)

Japanese: *pampi-

Comments: A rather abstract common Altaic root. Note WMong. abu-ri which can probably be identified with Man. fafu-ri < *pap`ó-rV (but MJ faberi is rather < *pampi ari, with a Jpn. auxiliary verb.

Proto-Altaic: *parki

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: mighty, brave

Russian Meaning: мощный, храбрый

Turkic: *berk

Mongolian: *berke

Tungus-Manchu: *parga

Comments: A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pằsi

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to press, pinch

Russian Meaning: давить, сдавливать (пальцами)

Turkic: *bas-

Tungus-Manchu: *pasu-

Korean: *ps-kí-

Japanese: *pìsà- / *pǝ̀sǝ̀-

Comments: АПиПЯЯ 68, 280, Дыбо 13. In Jpn. 'thin' < 'pressed, compressed'. The root is actively interacting with *pĭ̀sa and *p`i̯úsa q. v. The vowel variation in Japanese dialects may point to a variant *pằse.

Proto-Altaic: *pasi ( ~ p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to run, hurry

Russian Meaning: бежать, спешить

Mongolian: *hesüre-

Tungus-Manchu: *pasi-

Korean: *pàs- / *pàč-

Comments: The root should be distinguished from *bašo q. v. (cf. the distinction in Manchu), although some contaminations were possible. Note a peculiar alternation *-s-/*-č- both in TM and Kor., possibly indicating an old suffixed variant *p`asi-č`V. PJ *pasir- 'run', because of its vocalism, is rather to be attributed to PA *p`ĕ̀ĺo q. v.

Proto-Altaic: *pàt`á

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to get, get into

Russian Meaning: попадать, получать

Turkic: *bat-

Korean: *pàt-

Japanese: *pàtàr-

Comments: Poppe 89. Korean has a usual "verbal" low tone. See also *pằgdì.

Proto-Altaic: *pát`ò ( ~ *p`-)

Meaning: loom, detail of a loom

Russian Meaning: ткацкий станок, часть ткацкого станка

Tungus-Manchu: *pata-n

Korean: *pằtằi

Japanese: *pátà

Comments: Lee 1958, 109. An interesting Eastern isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pā̀jbu ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: to add, increase

Russian Meaning: добавлять, увеличивать

Tungus-Manchu: *pāb-

Korean: *phó

Japanese: *pùjà- (~-w-)

Comments: An Eastern isogloss. Aspiration in Korean may be due to secondary affixation (*phó < *po-h- < *pVbV-g-); however, a reconstruction *pāgu- is not excluded for PTM, and therefore the PA form may be as well reconstructed as *pājgu (*-j- is needed anyway to explain fricativization in Japanese).

Proto-Altaic: *pā̀jkù

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: owl

Russian Meaning: сова

Turkic: *bĀjk-

Mongolian: *beg-

Tungus-Manchu: *pige ( ~ *piage)

Korean: *púhuǝ̀ŋ

Japanese: *pùkù-

Comments: An expressive root with somewhat violated correspondences. Cf. some similar bird names: Khak. pegem 'wood-hen', Bur. bug-bātar 'owl' (if the analysis 'demon-hero' is a folk etymology); Oroch bajakuli 'name of a bird', Man. bajbula 'magpie'.

Proto-Altaic: *pā̀ko ( ~ p`-, -k`-, -e)

Meaning: rock, cliff

Russian Meaning: скала

Tungus-Manchu: *pākta

Japanese: *pǝki

Comments: A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; MKor. pàhói could also be related (if separated from *bi̯ŭ́ge q. v.).

Proto-Altaic: *pā̀lčà

Meaning: to be ashamed

Russian Meaning: стыдиться

Mongolian: *balči-

Tungus-Manchu: *pālǯe-

Japanese: *pàntù-i

Comments: PA length is responsible for the preservation of b- in Mong. (otherwise *halči- would be expected).

Proto-Altaic: *pā́li

Meaning: a k. of fish

Russian Meaning: вид рыбы

Turkic: *bālɨk

Mongolian: *bilaɣu

Tungus-Manchu: *palu

Korean: *par-

Japanese: *pírámái (~-miá)

Comments: VEWT 61, KW 31 (but Kalm. balɣă zaɣăsn̆ 'a k. of fish', also compared by Ramstedt, is a Turkism), SKE 185, АПиПЯЯ 282, Дыбо 8, Лексика 177.

Proto-Altaic: *pā̀li

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to be separated, divided

Russian Meaning: быть отделенным, разделенным

Turkic: *bẹldir

Mongolian: *belčir

Tungus-Manchu: *pālan

Korean: *pǝ̄r-

Japanese: *pìràk-

Comments: KW 42, SKE 150, Лексика 98. Mong. may be borrowed from Turk. (see TMN 1, 238, Щербак 1997, 104).

Proto-Altaic: *pā̀ró ( ~ p`-, -ŕ-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to buy, sell

Russian Meaning: покупать, продавать

Tungus-Manchu: *pār-

Korean: *pắrh-

Japanese: *pàrá-p-

Comments: EAS 56. An Eastern isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pā̀t`e

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: louse, biting insect

Russian Meaning: вошь, кусающее насекомое

Turkic: *bɨt

Mongolian: *batagana

Tungus-Manchu: *pānta- / *pēnte-

Korean: *pátắrí

Comments: Лексика 182. Mergers with *p`ŭ̀nte were possible (which may explain the non-etymological -n- in TM). Cf. also Kor. pindä 'bedbug'?

Proto-Altaic: *peč`i ( ~ p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to be ashamed

Russian Meaning: стыдиться

Mongolian: *hiče-

Tungus-Manchu: *pečke-

Korean: *pɨ̀skɨ́rì-

Comments: SKE 203. MKor. pɨ̀skɨ́rì- = pɨ̀čkɨ́rì- (-s- and -č- are usually neutralized in this position).

Proto-Altaic: *pédá

Meaning: spot, ornament

Russian Meaning: пятно, орнамент

Turkic: *bEdiŕ

Mongolian: *beder

Tungus-Manchu: *pede-

Japanese: *pantara

Comments: EAS 112, KW 41, Poppe 53 (Turk.-Mong.). Despite Щербак 1997, 163, Mong. cannot be borrowed < Turk. High tone reconstructed because of Mong. *b-. See also notes to *méru.

Proto-Altaic: *pegò ( ~ p`-, -e)

Meaning: wart

Russian Meaning: бородавка

Mongolian: *heɣü

Tungus-Manchu: *pegu(-ŋkte) ( ~ -b-)

Japanese: *pǝkurǝ ( ~ -ua-)

Comments: Poppe 61, Цинциус 1984, 45; Miller 1985, 147-148.

Proto-Altaic: *pek`a

Meaning: to be embarrassed

Russian Meaning: смущаться

Mongolian: *bakar-da-

Tungus-Manchu: *peku-

Comments: A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pĕ̀k`i

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: big, solid, firm

Russian Meaning: большой, крепкий, прочный

Turkic: *bek

Mongolian: *hike

Tungus-Manchu: *pegdi

Korean: *phǝk ( < *pǝkh) / *pak

Comments: SKE 62 (Mong.-Tung., incorrectly criticized in TMN 1, 554), 213. Turk. > WMong. beki, bekü > Evk. beki (see Doerfer TMN 1, 238, MT 101). Low tone and shortness reconstructed because of Mong. *h-. Cf. also *p`i̯àka 'mighty' (the two roots could interfere because of similarity).

Proto-Altaic: *pek`V ( ~ p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: hot, warm

Russian Meaning: горячий, теплый

Tungus-Manchu: *peku-

Korean: *pukh ( ~ -ɨ-)

Comments: EAS 53. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pélaba(nV)

Meaning: a figure made of stone or clay

Russian Meaning: фигура из камня или глины

Turkic: *bAlbal

Mongolian: *barimal

Tungus-Manchu: *pelbu

Japanese: *páníwá, *panipai, *panima

Comments: The comparison is very tempting, although one has to suppose secondary folk-etymological reanalysis in Mong. (where barimal /a regular development < *balima-r/) is associated with bari- 'to build', and in Jpn., where all the variants are associated with pani 'red clay'.

Proto-Altaic: *pĕ̀ma ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: lip; to munch, eat

Russian Meaning: губа; жевать, есть

Tungus-Manchu: *pemu-

Japanese: *pàm-

Comments: A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss; cf. perhaps Khalkha omgono- 'to chew with a toothless mouth'. On another possibility of finding Turkic and Mongolian matches see under *emV. {Cf. PAA *pVm, *bʔu:m 'hold in mouth').

Proto-Altaic: *peńo ( ~ *b-, *p`-, -o-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: flame, light

Russian Meaning: пламя, свет

Korean: *pằńắ-

Japanese: *pǝnǝ

Comments: A Kor.-Jpn. isogloss. {Cf. PE *panǝ-ʁ- 'to burn, ashes, dry out'}

Proto-Altaic: *pép`à

Meaning: dust, ashes

Russian Meaning: пыль, пепел

Mongolian: *baɣa-su

Tungus-Manchu: *pepke-

Korean: *pap

Japanese: *páp(u)í

Comments: SKE 189.

Proto-Altaic: *pĕ́ŕe ( ~ -i)

Meaning: to feel discomfort, trouble

Russian Meaning: чувствовать неудобство, раздражение

Turkic: *bẹŕ-

Mongolian: *berbeji-

Tungus-Manchu: *peru-

Comments: A Western isogloss. High tone reconstructed because of Mong. *b-.

Proto-Altaic: *pĕ́rV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: gland, callus

Russian Meaning: железа, мозоль

Turkic: *ber

Mongolian: *ber-seɣü

Tungus-Manchu: *peri

Comments: KW 43. A Western isogloss. For Turkic cf. alternatively Mong. marma- 'be covered with scars' (cf. traces of nasalization in Turkic languages).

Proto-Altaic: *pĕ̀sá ( ~ -o)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: handle

Russian Meaning: ручка, рукоятка

Turkic: *basu-

Mongolian: *hesi

Tungus-Manchu: *pesin

Japanese: *pàsú-i

Comments: EAS 54, 102, Poppe 11, 65, , ОСНЯ 3, 77-78, Цинциус 1984, 71-72, АПиПЯЯ 79. Despite Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 76, TM is not < Mong.

Proto-Altaic: *pĕ̀su

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: hoar-frost, cold

Russian Meaning: иней, мороз

Turkic: *bes

Mongolian: *(h)osu-

Korean: *psắ-

Comments: Shortness and low tone reconstructed because of Mong. *(h)-. The etymology is somewhat questionable because of late attestation in Turkic and a possibility of an alternative analysis of the Korean form (see above).

Proto-Altaic: *pètá ( ~ *p`-, -t`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to drop, fall

Russian Meaning: ронять, падать

Tungus-Manchu: *pet-ke-

Korean: *ptǝ̀rǝ́-

Japanese: *pàtá-

Comments: An Eastern isogloss. Cf. also Kor. ptǝ̄r- 'shake'.

Proto-Altaic: *pḗk`ò ( ~ b-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to wish, plan

Russian Meaning: желать, намереваться

Turkic: *bẹ̄ken-

Mongolian: *baka-

Japanese: *pàkàr-

Comments: Cf. *bằka which could have influenced some of the reflexes (in particular, the accentological irregularity of Jpn. *pàkàr- may be explained by a secondary analogy with *bàkàr-).

Proto-Altaic: *pḕǯo

Meaning: to dance

Russian Meaning: танцевать

Mongolian: *böǯi-

Tungus-Manchu: *pēǯe-

Japanese: *pàjà-s-

Comments: PA length is responsible for the preservation of b- in Mong. (otherwise *höǯi- would be expected).

Proto-Altaic: *píla

Meaning: to rub, plaster

Russian Meaning: тереть, мазать

Mongolian: *bila-

Tungus-Manchu: *pilki-

Korean: *pằrằ-

Japanese: *pár-

Comments: Martin 238 (Kor.-Jpn.). Irregular vowel in Korean (*parV- would be expected) can be probably explained by vowel assimilation, as well as by secondary adjustment of this root to părăm 'wall' q. v.

Proto-Altaic: *pĭ̀le

Meaning: a k. of hawk

Russian Meaning: вид ястреба

Turkic: *bElin

Mongolian: *heliɣe

Tungus-Manchu: *pilakta

Comments: Shortness and low tone reconstructed because of Mong. *h-. A Western isogloss; cf. perhaps OJ p(j)e- in p(j)è-wò 'foot-cord for a falcon' (wo 'cord, rope'), although the word pe is not attested separately. PJ *pìa < *pĭ̀l(e)-gV would be a very good match for Mong. *heliɣe.

Proto-Altaic: *pĭ̀ĺǯi

Meaning: to become overripe, pickled

Russian Meaning: перезревать, скисать

Turkic: *biĺč-

Mongolian: *(h)ilǯi-

Tungus-Manchu: *pil(b)-

Korean: *pìrí-

Japanese: *pìsì-kuá

Comments: JOAL 119.

Proto-Altaic: *píńŋe

Meaning: scar, pimple

Russian Meaning: шрам, прыщ

Turkic: *bẹńŕ

Mongolian: *beɣere

Tungus-Manchu: *pinŋa

Korean: *pɨ̀ńɨ̀rɨ̀m

Comments: Егоров 171 (Chuv.-Mong.), Лексика 209 (with a different Turkic parallel), Robbeets 2000, 111.

Proto-Altaic: *píńŕa

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: needle

Russian Meaning: игла

Turkic: *bińŕ (*biŋŕ)

Mongolian: *birim

Tungus-Manchu: *pi[ńr]a

Korean: *pànắr (/-r-)

Japanese: *pàrí

Comments: KW 46, Martin 237. Despite Doerfer's skepticism (TMN 2, 311), Ramstedt's comparison still holds. Low tone in Jpn. is perhaps due to contraction (it does not match either Kor. or *b- in Mong.).

Proto-Altaic: *pĭ̀ŋa ( ~ *p`-)

Meaning: to separate, emit

Russian Meaning: отделять, испускать

Tungus-Manchu: *piŋta-

Japanese: *pànà-

Comments: A Tung.-Jpn. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pĭ́rò (~ b-)

Meaning: beak, nose

Russian Meaning: клюв, нос

Turkic: *burun (*burɨn)

Korean: *pūrì

Japanese: *kútí-(n)-pírù

Comments: Whitman 1985, 191, АПиПЯЯ 283, Лексика 215. Turk. *bur- must be a secondary assimilation < *bɨr-.

Proto-Altaic: *pĭ̀sa ( ~ p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to insert, press between

Russian Meaning: вставлять, зажимать с двух сторон

Tungus-Manchu: *pisa-

Korean: *ps-kì'ú-

Japanese: *pàsàm-

Comments: An Eastern isogloss. Mergers of this root with *pằsi and *p`i̯úsa q. v. were possible.

Proto-Altaic: *pisV ( ~ p`-, -i̯a-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: seed, grain

Russian Meaning: семя, зерно

Tungus-Manchu: *pise-

Korean: *psí

Comments: EAS 54, 82, SKE 231, Цинциус 1984, 40, Lee 1958, 110, АПиПЯЯ 296. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss. Since the TM forms meaning "millet" go back to the same root, the second of Ramstedt's etymologies (SKE 214, comparison with Kor. phi 'millet') should be rejected. In Kor. cf. also psắr '(fine) rice' (see Lee 1958, 109).

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯áge ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: a k. of weed, panicum

Russian Meaning: вид сорной травы, просо

Tungus-Manchu: *pig-

Korean: *phí

Japanese: *píjái

Comments: An Eastern isogloss. Kor. phí < *pìhí (with vowel reduction).

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ắlagV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: fortress, group of houses

Russian Meaning: крепость, группа домов

Turkic: *bialɨk

Mongolian: *balaga-sun

Tungus-Manchu: *palVga

Japanese: *pái

Comments: EAS 56, KW 31, Владимирцов 147-148, ОСНЯ 3, 91-92, Sinor 1981 (listing all forms but considering the Turkic word to be borrowed from Ugric), Дыбо 15, Мудрак Дисс. 194. Despite TMN 1, 216, 2, 258, Щербак 1997, 104 the Mong. form is hardly borrowed from Turk. Jpn. *pá-i presupposes a form *pi̯ắl(a)-gV = TM *palVga etc. Note that this is a case of monophthongization after *p- in TM (cf. similarly *pi̯àri, *pi̯ā̀ki).

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ànà ( ~ *p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: face (colour), colour

Russian Meaning: цвет лица, цвет

Tungus-Manchu: *pian-

Korean: *s-pám

Comments: A TM-Kor. isogloss. One of the cases of prefixed *s- in body parts in Korean (cf. *s-pjǝ́ 'bone', *s-pɨ́r 'horn', *s-kòrí 'tail').

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯api ( ~ *p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of small bird

Russian Meaning: вид мелкой птицы

Tungus-Manchu: *piabi

Korean: *pjǝ̄p-sāi

Japanese: *pipa

Comments: An onomatopoeic Eastern isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯àri

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: finger, finger width (measure)

Russian Meaning: палец, ширина пальца (мера)

Turkic: *biarŋak

Tungus-Manchu: *pargan

Korean: *pắr

Japanese: *pia

Comments: Whitman 1985, 153-154, 210 (Kor.-Jpn.). Jpn. *pia < *pi̯àr(i)-ga (cf. TM *par-ga-) or < *pi̯àr(i)-ŋa (cf. PT *biar-ŋa-k). For the reflex *-a- in TM see notes to *pi̯ắlagV. The original meaning is 'finger, finger width', whence 'bedding, layer ("one finger thick")'. Such a combination of meanings is still clearly seen in TM (without which the Turkic and Jpn.-Kor. forms would be hardly comparable).

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ằt`è

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to suffer

Russian Meaning: страдать

Turkic: *b(i)at

Mongolian: *hataɣa-

Tungus-Manchu: *pita-

Japanese: *pǝ̀tǝ̀p- / *pùtùk-

Comments: OJ pǝtǝ-pǝ-r- and PM *hata-ɣa- may reflect a common derivative *pi̯ằt`è-p`V.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ā̀ki

Meaning: liver

Russian Meaning: печень

Turkic: *biagɨr

Tungus-Manchu: *pākin

Comments: АПиПЯЯ 45, 286, Мудрак Дисс. 196-197, Лексика 278. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss, demonstrating again the rule of monophthongization in PTM after *p- (see *pi̯ắlagV, *pi̯àri).

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ā́t`e

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: tough; swift

Russian Meaning: прочный, крепкий; быстрый

Turkic: *biāt

Mongolian: *bat-

Tungus-Manchu: *pit(a)

Korean: *patɨk / *potɨk

Comments: Poppe 51, KW 36, PKE 146-147. The Kor. form is expressive and not quite regular.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ŏ̀ka

Meaning: a k. of weed

Russian Meaning: вид сорной травы

Turkic: *bakɨr

Mongolian: *(h)agi

Tungus-Manchu: *puka

Korean: *phá ( ~ *páh)

Japanese: *pàkuá-

Comments: Дыбо 11. Kor. *phá < *puhá ~ *păhá with usual vowel reduction. The Turkic forms are very scantily attested and somewhat dubious (one would rather expect *bagɨr).

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯óko

Meaning: buttock

Russian Meaning: зад, ягодица

Mongolian: *bögse

Tungus-Manchu: *pika

Comments: A Mong.-Tung. isogloss. High tone can be reconstructed because of Mong. *b-.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ŏ́ltorV (/-ld-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of small bird

Russian Meaning: вид небольшой птицы

Turkic: *bɨldur- (*buldɨr-)

Mongolian: *bolǯir- / *boldur-

Tungus-Manchu: *pilti-

Korean: *pìtùrí

Japanese: *pàtuâ

Comments: Martin 228, Лексика 174. An expressive root with not quite precise correspondences (like in many bird names). Vocalism is rather hard to reconstruct: in PT we have to assume a secondary delabialization (*buldɨr- > *bɨldur-). Note velar suffixation in several Turkic and Mongolian forms; the PJ form also may go back to *pi̯oltor-ga > *pi̯oltoɣa > *patua.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯óro(-k`V) ( ~ -i̯u-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: wrinkle, callosity

Russian Meaning: морщина, мозоль

Turkic: *burkɨ

Mongolian: *boruɣa

Tungus-Manchu: *pirki- ( ~ -ü-)

Comments: A Western isogloss. High tone may be reconstructed because of Mong. *b-. Reflected are forms with different suffixes (*pi̯oro-k`V and *pi̯oro-gV).

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ósò

Meaning: stairway, step (of stairs)

Russian Meaning: лестница, ступенька

Turkic: *bAs-kɨč

Mongolian: *bosuga

Tungus-Manchu: *pise-

Japanese: *pásì

Comments: In PT *bos- would be expected; the root had changed to *bas- probably because of the folk-etymological resemblance to *bas- 'press'. Cf. *bi̯ási 'penthouse'.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯oǯi ( ~ p`-, -i̯u-)

Meaning: root

Russian Meaning: корень

Mongolian: *hiǯaɣur

Tungus-Manchu: *puǯuri

Comments: Владимирцов 187, Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 53. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ṓro

Meaning: a k. of plant

Russian Meaning: вид растения

Turkic: *bōr-

Mongolian: *burga-

Tungus-Manchu: *piregde

Comments: A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ŭ̀bi

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to mince, saw

Russian Meaning: крошить, пилить

Turkic: *bij-

Mongolian: *(h)üji-

Tungus-Manchu: *pubu-

Korean: *pjàpắi-

Japanese: *piwa-

Comments: Correspondences are basically regular, with the following

Comments: in Turkic one has to suppose secondary delabialization *bij- < *büj- ( < *büb-); the Kor. form pjàpắi- must be denominative, derived from a noun *pjàpắ- < *pibV-pu- < *pi̯ubi-p`u- ( = PTM *pubu-pu-). Cf. *p`i̯ṑpo: the two roots are sometimes hard to distinguish.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ŭ̀č`à

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to tear, split, cut

Russian Meaning: раздирать, расщеплять, резать

Turkic: *bɨč-

Mongolian: *biči-

Tungus-Manchu: *puče- ( ~ -š-)

Korean: *pčɨ́č-

Japanese: *pàtùr-

Comments: EAS 144, KW 47, ОСНЯ 1, 178. In Turk. also OT biče 'small', Tuva biče id. Cf. also MKor. pčằ- 'to wring out, squeeze' (SKE 18); MKor. pči- 'to cut' (SKE 32); mod. pit-ta (piǯ-) 'cut, slice'. Doerfer's (TMN 2, 427) doubts are hardly justified - the semantic development in Mong. is perfectly well explainable. One should note, however, that low tone in Jpn. does not correspond to Mong. *b- here (one would rather expect *h-); either this is an incorrect tone notation (the Jpn. word is attested in RJ, but not accented in Hirayama's dictionary), or an irregularity in an expressive etymon.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ŭ̀k`ì ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: short

Russian Meaning: короткий

Mongolian: *hokar

Tungus-Manchu: *poKa-

Japanese: *pìkù-

Comments: АПиПЯЯ 292 (without the Jpn. parallel). See Poppe 11, 55, Цинциус 1984, 42. Despite Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99, Doerfer MT 132, Rozycki 78 the TM forms are hardly borrowed from Mong. {A different, but similar Altaic root may be reflected in Mong. bogoni 'short', MTurk. (EDT 322) boɣaj 'short, low'.}

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯ŭ́k`í

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of insect

Russian Meaning: вид насекомого

Turkic: *bökelek

Mongolian: *böküne

Tungus-Manchu: *peKe ( < *puKe ?)

Japanese: *pínkúrásí

Comments: Лексика 185.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯únri ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: fish scales, fin

Russian Meaning: чешуя, плавник

Tungus-Manchu: *ponda

Korean: *pìnɨ́r

Japanese: *pírái

Comments: An Eastern isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pi̯úŋu

Meaning: a k. of fish

Russian Meaning: вид рыбы

Turkic: *bɨŋɨt (~-ń-,-d)

Mongolian: *boŋčiliki

Tungus-Manchu: *poŋdV

Korean: *pì'út

Japanese: *pùnâ

Comments: Дыбо 9, Лексика 177-178.

Proto-Altaic: *pŏ́ga

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to tie up, strangle

Russian Meaning: завязывать, душить

Turkic: *bog-

Mongolian: *boɣo-

Tungus-Manchu: *poga-

Comments: EAS 58, KW 53, Владимирцов 277, Poppe 21 (although words for 'slave' should be kept apart, see *bŏga); Дыбо 15 compares TM *bōki-, see *bṑki. A Western isogloss. Shortness and high tone are reconstructed because of Mong. *b-; note, however, that Mong. can be borrowed from Turk. (see TMN 2, 346, Щербак 1997, 108). If this is the case, the real Mong. reflex could be *bög-si- 'choke', *böɣe-lǯi- 'vomit', suggesting a reconstruction *pŏ́ge or *pŏ́gi.

Proto-Altaic: *pŏ́gí(-rV)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: kidneys, testicles

Russian Meaning: почки, testiculi

Turkic: *bögür, *bögrek

Mongolian: *böɣere

Tungus-Manchu: *pugi- / *puki-

Korean: *pɨr / *pur

Japanese: *púnkúri

Comments: KW 57, Владимирцов 195, Martin 250, АПиПЯЯ 68, Дыбо 6, Лексика 278. Despite TMN 2, 353, Щербак 1997, 108, there is no need at all to suppose Mong. < Turkic. The variant *puki- in TM is assimilative ( < *pugi-). Cf. also MKor. pùrǝ̀i 'fish bladder'.

Proto-Altaic: *pŏ́gV ( ~ -u-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: deer (male)

Russian Meaning: олень (самец)

Turkic: *bugu, -ra

Mongolian: *bojir

Tungus-Manchu: *pegu(le)-

Comments: KW 58, Лексика 152. A Western isogloss. High tone reconstructed because of Mong. *b-.

Proto-Altaic: *pòjńV́ ( ~ p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: vessel; boat

Russian Meaning: сосуд; лодка

Mongolian: *haji-ǯagan

Korean: *pắi

Japanese: *pùná-i

Comments: Martin 226, Menges 1984, 284, АПиПЯЯ 67, 288 (with a different Turk. parallel, see *eńa). Basically a Kor.-Jpn. isogloss (the Mong. form is poorly attested and has a somewhat obscure suffixation; besides, one would rather expect *huji- or *heji-). Jpn. > MKor. pòńắ, mod. posigi 'basin, bowl' (on the other hand, Kor. pắi may be the source of OJ pé 'bow, front of boat', see JLTT 403).

Proto-Altaic: *póju ( ~ *p`-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: child, young (of animals)

Russian Meaning: ребенок, детеныш

Tungus-Manchu: *puj(u)-, *puj-kte

Korean: *pùthjǝ̀

Japanese: *pítǝ̀

Comments: Murayama 1962, 110, АПиПЯЯ 80, 107, 277. An Eastern isogloss. Jpn. has a contraction (like in *kík- < *k`ūjlu-k`-).

Proto-Altaic: *póki ( ~ -k`-, -e)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to run, run away

Russian Meaning: бежать, убегать

Mongolian: *bög-si-

Tungus-Manchu: *pukti-

Comments: A Mong.-Tung. isogloss; high tone can be reconstructed because of Mong. *b-. Cf. perhaps also Jpn. coll. fuke- 'to run away, flee' (dubious because of very late fixation).

Proto-Altaic: *pŏ̀k`è ( ~ -k-)

Meaning: to dig, cut off; a cutting instrument

Russian Meaning: копать, отрезать; режущий инструмент

Turkic: *bügde ( ~ -ö-)

Mongolian: *hoktal-, *(h)okčira-

Tungus-Manchu: *poK-

Japanese: *pǝ̀kǝ̀

Comments: Cf. other similar roots: *p`i̯ùgV, *bā̀k`ù, *p`ū̀gé, *p`àgò.

Proto-Altaic: *póńe ( ~ p`-)

Meaning: smoke

Russian Meaning: дым

Mongolian: *huni-

Tungus-Manchu: *puń-

Korean: *pɨ̀ńǝ̀k

Comments: ТМС 2,43-44, Цинциус 1984, 54-55, АПиПЯЯ 295. In Korean one has to presume a semantic shift "smoking place" > "kitchen".

Proto-Altaic: *pòŋa ( ~ *p`-)

Meaning: bud

Russian Meaning: бутон

Tungus-Manchu: *poŋga

Korean: *poŋ'ori

Japanese: *pànà

Comments: An Eastern isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pŏ̀ru

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to snow, rain

Russian Meaning: идти (о снеге, дожде)

Turkic: *bora-

Mongolian: *boruɣa

Tungus-Manchu: *pur-

Korean: *pora

Japanese: *pùr-

Comments: Poppe 21, Ozawa 288-289, ОСНЯ 1, 188-189, АПиПЯЯ 69. Cf. *bŏ́ru, a contamination with which should explain Mong. *b- (one would expect *h- with low tone and shortness).

Proto-Altaic: *pótirkV

Meaning: breast, breast bone

Russian Meaning: грудь, грудная кость

Mongolian: *büdürkei

Tungus-Manchu: *putukā

Japanese: *pútúkǝ́rǝ́

Comments: Cf. also Yak. bötüön 'грудная кость'; Az. pötänä 'потроха'.

Proto-Altaic: *pōki ( ~ p`-) (?)

Meaning: deep

Russian Meaning: глубокий

Mongolian: *(hü)gün

Japanese: *pùkà-

Comments: Cf. perhaps -pók in MKor. pắi-s-pók 'navel' (*'belly cavity'?); TM *pokV-n (ТМС 1, 469) 'corner of the eye'. In Turkic cf. perhaps OUygh. boɣaj (boɣań?) 'low', borrowed in Mong. as WMong. boɣoni (see EDT 322). This all seems rather uncertain; but for Mong. the reconstruction *hügün (based on the archaic Mongor form fugun) seems probable, and the Mong.-Jpn. parallel at least seems satisfactory.

Proto-Altaic: *pōto ( ~ -ū-, -i̯ū-)

Meaning: to think, intend

Russian Meaning: думать, намереваться

Mongolian: *bodu-

Tungus-Manchu: *pōt[e]-

Korean: *ptɨ́-t

Japanese: *pǝ́tua

Comments: Lee 1958, 119 (Kor.-Mong.). Cf. also MKor. pthǝ̄k 'reason'; without vowel reduction perhaps also MKor. pùrǝ́, mod. purǝ 'intentionally, on purpose'. Mong. > Evk. bodo- etc. (see ТМС 1, 88, Doerfer MT 78). The Jpn. reflex is not quite certain, being somewhat distant semantically and aberrant accentologically (TM length should correspond to low tone in Jpn.). The voicing in modern dialects (Tok. hodo etc.) also contradicts *-t- in *pōto. One should consider a possibility of relating Kor. pthǝ̄k and PJ *pǝtua (*pǝ(n)tua) to PA *p`ḗt[e] 'name, to call' ('name' as the essence or reason of the called object?) which would be phonologically more plausible (assuming Gruntov's rule about *C`VCV > *CVC`V in early PJ).

Proto-Altaic: *puč`ù ( ~ b-,-i̯u-o,-i̯a-u)

Meaning: two, pair; half

Russian Meaning: два, пара; половина

Turkic: *buč-uk

Korean: *pča-k

Japanese: *puta-

Comments: EAS 96, Martin 249-250, АПиПЯЯ 109, 278. Korean has a frequent vowel reduction between a stop and an affricate, which makes the precise vowel reconstruction difficult.

Proto-Altaic: *pŭ́k`a

Meaning: craw, crop

Russian Meaning: зоб

Turkic: *bokak

Mongolian: *bakawu, *bakalaɣur

Tungus-Manchu: *pukēn

Comments: Дыбо 10, Лексика 150. A Western isogloss. High tone is reconstructed because of Mong. *b-. The root is actively contaminating with *bŏ̀ku 'throat' q. v.

Proto-Altaic: *púk`V

Meaning: all, complete

Russian Meaning: весь, полностью

Mongolian: *bük-

Tungus-Manchu: *puK-

Korean: *pukh

Comments: ТМС 2, 302. The root is not preserved in Turkic - but cf. perhaps the isolated Yak. buka barɨ 'all together', buka 'perhaps', buka-tɨn 'completely' (Dolg. buka 'exactly', bukatɨn 'completely', see Stachowski 64).

Proto-Altaic: *puli ( ~ p`-,-ĺ-, -o-e)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: red

Russian Meaning: красный

Mongolian: *hulaɣan

Tungus-Manchu: *pula-

Korean: *pɨ̀rk-

Comments: AKE 14, Lee 1958, 110, EAS 53, 143, KW 448, Poppe 12, 74, Цинциус 1984, 54, Menges 1984, 287, АПиПЯЯ 40, 291, Rozycki 80-81. Despite Poppe 1972, 100, Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong (and vice versa, as suggested in TMN 1, 540); borrowing in Kor. from TM is also highly improbable.

Proto-Altaic: *pŭ́lo

Meaning: last year; to become old, wear out

Russian Meaning: прошлый год; стареть, изнашиваться

Turkic: *bɨldur (/*buldɨr)

Mongolian: *boli-

Tungus-Manchu: *polo-kta

Japanese: *pǝ́rǝ́-(m)pǝ-

Comments: The suffixless form is preserved only in Mong. boli-; PT and PTM may reflect a common derivative *pŭ́lo-ktV.

Proto-Altaic: *pùnV ( ~ p`-, -o-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: year, spring / summer

Russian Meaning: год, весна / лето

Mongolian: *hon

Tungus-Manchu: *pune-

Korean: *póm

Comments: EAS 53, 141, SKE 205, KW 286, 295, Poppe 11, 69, Цинциус 1984, 43. Despite Doerfer MT 143, Rozycki 78-79, the TM forms meaning 'time' are hardly < Mong. Cf. perhaps also Jpn. *pàrû 'spring' (if -ru is regarded as a suffix < *pUn-ra); see Whitman 1985, 188, 202, 211.

Proto-Altaic: *puŋga ( ~ p`-, -i̯u-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: musk smell, bad smell

Russian Meaning: запах мускуса, вонь

Mongolian: *huŋga-su

Tungus-Manchu: *poŋga

Korean: *pāŋkui

Comments: Poppe 72 (Mong.-Kor.). The stem may be derived from *p`úńe 'smell' q. v.

Proto-Altaic: *púre

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: leaf, bud

Russian Meaning: лист, почка

Turkic: *bür

Mongolian: *bor-

Japanese: *pá

Comments: Jpn. *pá presupposes a suffixed form *púr(e)-gV ( = Mong. *bor-gu-).

Proto-Altaic: *pure

Meaning: pipe

Russian Meaning: трубка

Turkic: *burgu

Mongolian: *bürije-n

Japanese: *patiku

Comments: Laufer 1919, 575 (Doerfer: "lautlich unmöglich"). Cf. perhaps Nan. furgẽ 'loud, bass' (ТМС 2, 303). The final velar element is suffixed, and the suffixes are different here (Jpn. -k- pointing to *-k`- or -k-, but Turcic and Mongolian - to *-g-).

Proto-Altaic: *pŭ̀ŕi ( ~ -e)

Meaning: to wink, wrinkle

Russian Meaning: мигать, морщиться

Turkic: *büŕ- / *bür-

Mongolian: *hür-

Tungus-Manchu: *puri-

Comments: Цинциус 1984, 56. A Western isogloss. Low tone is reconstructed because of Mong. *h-.

Proto-Altaic: *púsa ( ~ -i̯o-)

Meaning: a k. of fish

Russian Meaning: вид рыбы

Mongolian: *basiŋga

Tungus-Manchu: *puse-

Japanese: *pansai

Comments: High tone is reconstructed because of Mong. *b-; voicing in Jpn. is unclear.

Proto-Altaic: *puse

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to break through, break out

Russian Meaning: прорываться, нарывать, распухать

Turkic: *bös-

Tungus-Manchu: *pos-

Japanese: *pansa-

Comments: Reason for voicing (prenasalization) in Jpn. is not quite clear.

Proto-Altaic: *pŭ̀ti ( ~ -i̯u-, -e)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to quilt, weave

Russian Meaning: простегивать, ткать

Turkic: *büt-

Mongolian: *hüde-

Comments: A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Low tone and shortness may be reconstructed because of Mong. *h-. The root is similar to *p`út`à and *bŏ̀t`é q. v., but still should be probably reconstructed as a separate etymon.

Proto-Altaic: *put`i[m]uk`V

Meaning: a k. of berry

Russian Meaning: вид ягоды

Tungus-Manchu: *putumukte

Korean: *ptárkì

Comments: A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *pū̀gò

Meaning: distressed, restive

Russian Meaning: взволнованный, в смятении

Mongolian: *bug

Tungus-Manchu: *pūg-

Japanese: *pǝ̀k(a)-

Comments: See SKE 207. An expressive root; cf. *buk`V.

Proto-Altaic: *pū́ne

Meaning: to ride

Russian Meaning: ехать верхом, скакать

Turkic: *bǖn- (/*bīn-)

Mongolian: *hunu- ( / *unu-)

Tungus-Manchu: *punŋe-

Korean: *pòm-nòr-

Japanese: *pana-

Comments: The Mong. form has a strange variation of *h- and *0-, so far unexplained.

Proto-Altaic: *pūsa

Meaning: outside, exterior

Russian Meaning: внешний, наружний

Mongolian: *busu-

Tungus-Manchu: *pūski-

Korean: *pàsk

Japanese: *pásí

Comments: Turk. *baĺ(č)ka 'other' is very similar, but phonetically unclear. Another irregularity is the tonal discrepancy between TM and Kor.-Jpn. (note that the TM reconstruction is not quite certain: one should perhaps reconstruct *pubuski because of the Even form, and either separate the TM form from the rest or suppose a form with a cluster like *pubsa). On the whole, a tempting but not quite secure etymology.

Proto-Altaic: *pū́t`ò

Meaning: poplar, branch, stick

Russian Meaning: тополь; ветка, палка

Turkic: *būta-

Mongolian: *buta

Tungus-Manchu: *pota

Korean: *pǝ̀tɨ́r

Japanese: *pǝta

Comments: KW 446, Poppe 12, 52, Цинциус 1984, 52-53, Дыбо 10, Лексика 104. Despite some confusion between *pū́t`o and *p`ude, the two roots are clearly distinguishable. Kor. *pǝ̀tɨ́r must be delabialized < *pòtɨ́r.

Proto-Altaic: *pV̀t`ok`V ( ~ p`-, b-)

Meaning: cuckoo

Russian Meaning: кукушка

Korean: *pǝ́kúk-

Japanese: *pǝ̀tǝ̀tǝ̀kí-su

Comments: An onomatopoeic Kor.-Jpn. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ač`V

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to open, split up

Russian Meaning: открывать, расщеплять

Turkic: *ač-

Mongolian: *(h)ača

Tungus-Manchu: *pač-

Comments: A Western isogloss. KW 18, Poppe 63, Цинциус 1984, 36-37 (with somewhat different TM data), TMN 2, 14 (:"semantisch unwahrscheinlich").

Proto-Altaic: *p`ač`V ( ~ -č-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: blessing, favour

Russian Meaning: благословение, милость

Turkic: *ačɨ-

Mongolian: *hači

Comments: A Turk.-Mong. isogloss; cf. perhaps Nan. pāčila- 'жечь багульник во время камлания'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ádo

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: wall

Russian Meaning: стена

Mongolian: *(h)adar

Tungus-Manchu: *padira-

Korean: *pằrằm

Comments: Cf. perhaps also Chuv. pora 'сруб'. See UEW 4, 347. The Kor. form can be formally analysed as derived from pằrằ- 'to plaster', but this is probably a result of secondary reinterpretation (see under *píla).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ágdi

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: foot, foot sole

Russian Meaning: нога, подошва

Turkic: *adak

Mongolian: *(h)adag

Tungus-Manchu: *pagdi(-kī)

Japanese: *pí(n)túmai ( ~ -ia)

Comments: KW 1, Poppe 52, VEWT 5 (Turk.-Mong.; but the Kor. parallel listed there - patak 'bottom, foundation' - should be rather compared with TM *pata 'id.', see *p`ắt`à(-kV)), АПиПЯЯ 282, Лексика 288. Despite TMN 4, 266 Mong. cannot be < Turk. Further Nostr. parallels (PIE *ped- 'foot' etc.) see in МССНЯ, 368.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ágò ( ~ p-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: box, vessel

Russian Meaning: ящик, сосуд

Tungus-Manchu: *paga, -ča, -kī

Korean: *phắkái

Japanese: *pákúa

Comments: An Eastern isogloss. Cf. *bi̯uk`e. Kor. *phắkái < *pago-kai ( = PTM *pagakī), which explains seemingly irregular tone correspondence between Kor. and Jpn.

Proto-Altaic: *p`àgò ( ~ -e-, -a, *p`ùgà)

Meaning: to dig, cave

Russian Meaning: копать, яма

Mongolian: *haɣur

Korean: *phằ-

Japanese: *pàkà

Comments: SKE 212, EAS 56. Kor. phằ- is a result of usual reduction < *pVhằ-.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ajo

Meaning: to rub off, wipe off, cut off

Russian Meaning: стирать, вытирать, разламывать

Turkic: *ajɨt-

Mongolian: *haɣu-

Tungus-Manchu: *pajū-

Korean: *pūi-

Japanese: *pajas-

Comments: One of the common Altaic "Verba des Schlagens", with a rather uncertain semantics. The basic meaning seems to be "rub off, peel off", whence "break, tear into small pieces" etc. MMong. xa'ut- may reflect the same derivative as PT *ajɨt-, PA *p`ajo-t`V.

Proto-Altaic: *p`aĺi

Meaning: relationship, friendship

Russian Meaning: связь, дружба

Turkic: *ẹ̄ĺ

Tungus-Manchu: *pal- ( ~ -ā-)

Comments: A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Original vowel length is not quite clear: in Turkic the reconstruction is based only on the absence of pharyngealization in Tuva-Tof., while in TM critical evidence is lacking from Evk. and Nan. {WMo elberi- 'to respect or honour parents or elders'.}.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ăp`a

Meaning: shaman, sorcery

Russian Meaning: колдун, колдовство

Turkic: *apačɨ, *apakɨ

Mongolian: *hab

Tungus-Manchu: *pap-

Japanese: *papur-

Comments: Цинциус 1984, 31-32. See also Miller-Naumann 1991, Miller 1998 (connecting it with Old Chinese *pap 'law'), and recently Stachowski 2001 (although Yak. aba 'gift' should be rather kept apart).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ap`o

Meaning: to attack

Russian Meaning: нападать

Turkic: *op-

Mongolian: *hawl-

Comments: A Turk.-Mong. isogloss. In TM cf. perhaps Evn. hapkon- 'to sit in ambush' (ТМС 2, 316).

Proto-Altaic: *p`árà

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: cross-beam, constructing piece

Russian Meaning: балка, строительный элемент

Turkic: *ara-n

Mongolian: *(h)aran-ga

Tungus-Manchu: *para(n)

Japanese: *párì

Comments: Lee 1958, 109 compares the TM forms also with Kor. dial. paradi, paraǯi 'a window in the wall'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`are ( ~ -e-)

Meaning: man, people

Russian Meaning: человек, народ

Turkic: *Eren

Mongolian: *haran

Comments: A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`arkV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: excrement

Russian Meaning: навоз, экскременты

Turkic: *ark

Mongolian: *hargal

Tungus-Manchu: *parga- ( ~ -rk-)

Comments: EAS 53, 125, Poppe 11, Цинциус 1984, 33. A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ărV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: thill

Russian Meaning: оглобля

Turkic: *arɨĺ

Mongolian: *(h)aral

Tungus-Manchu: *para

Korean: *parko

Comments: Poppe 11, 77, 78-79, Цинциус 1984, 32-33, Ramstedt 1916, 3, Lee 1958, 108, Лексика 555, Rozycki 74. The root is frequently quoted, but indeed rather problematic (cf. TMN 2, 40-41). If the Mong. form is *aral (accounting for the HY and South Mong. evidence), and the Turkic form is borrowed from a different source, all we are left with are the Tungus and Korean forms - which, however, are difficult to explain as loans.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ắsi

Meaning: to hang

Russian Meaning: висеть, вешать

Turkic: *as-

Mongolian: *(h)asa-

Tungus-Manchu: *pasi-

Japanese: *písà(n)k-

Comments: KW 5, 16, Poppe 65, Цинциус 1984, 34-35. The Mong. parallel is somewhat dubious semantically.

Proto-Altaic: *p`átà(kV) ( ~ -t`-)

Meaning: fish fin; gills

Russian Meaning: рыбий плавник; жабры

Turkic: *atkak

Tungus-Manchu: *pati(ke)

Japanese: *pátá

Comments: The root is very similar phonetically to *p`ắt`à(-kV) 'bottom, lower side' and the two roots could in fact have influenced each other in Turkic and Japanese. The TM languages, however, clearly oppose them. The TM evidence may indeed point to a different second vowel in 'fish fin' - perhaps a reconstruction like *p`átì(kV) would be more plausible; in the latter case the -a-vocalism in Jpn. would be secondary, under the influence of *p`ắt`à(-kV) 'bottom'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`át`à

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: uncultivated land, field

Russian Meaning: необработанная земля, поле

Turkic: *Atɨŕ

Mongolian: *(h)atar

Korean: *pàt(h)

Japanese: *pátà / *pàtá

Comments: EAS 53, SKE 192-193, Poppe 51, 82, Menges 1984, 284, АПиПЯЯ 16, 67, Martin 231.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ắt`à(-kV)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: bottom, lower side

Russian Meaning: дно, нижняя сторона

Turkic: *ạt(kɨ-)

Mongolian: *hatku

Tungus-Manchu: *pata, *pataka

Korean: *pàtók

Japanese: *pátá

Comments: EAS 52, KW 1, Poppe 11, 50, Цинциус 1984, 35, 36, Lee 1958, 109, АПиПЯЯ 70, Дыбо 317, Лексика 252-253, Rozycki 75. In Kor. cf. perhaps also MKor. pǝ̀thǝ́ŋ 'step (of stairs)', ptɨ́r 'staircase', 'yard'. The original meaning was no doubt 'bottom', 'bottom side', with a subsequent development > 'bottom of hand or foot' > 'sole, palm' in the Western Altaic region. In Turkic and Mongolian such a semantic change was probably favoured by a contamination with yet another PA root, *p`et`V 'to pinch' (q. v.), so that the final meaning resulted in 'take a handful, clutch'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`āda

Meaning: to separate, some, other

Russian Meaning: отделять, некоторый, другой

Turkic: *adɨ-

Tungus-Manchu: *pādi

Korean: *ptắ-n

Japanese: *pá(n)tú-

Comments: Korean has a frequent vowel loss between two stops (which occurred before *-d- > -r- and thus explains medial -t-). Correspondences are regular except for the aberrant high tone in Jpn.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ā́dì

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of vessel

Russian Meaning: вид сосуда

Turkic: *ẹ̄diĺ

Tungus-Manchu: *padu

Japanese: *pítú, *pítú-ki

Comments: PTM *padu and PJ *pítú may reflect a common derivative like *padi-bV (otherwise final -u is hard to explain).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ā́dV

Meaning: sober, attentive

Russian Meaning: трезвый, внимательный

Turkic: *ād-

Mongolian: *hada- / *haǯi-

Comments: KW 2. A Turk.-Mong. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`āji

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: part

Russian Meaning: часть

Mongolian: *hejil-

Tungus-Manchu: *pā

Japanese: *pia

Comments: Mong. *h- before a long vowel indicates PA *p`-.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ā̀là

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: field, level ground

Russian Meaning: поле, равнина

Turkic: *ala-n / *ala-ŋ

Tungus-Manchu: *pāla-n

Korean: *pǝ́r(h)-

Japanese: *pàrà

Comments: Martin 238, АПиПЯЯ 67.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ā́ĺŋa ( ~ -e)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: palm (of hand)

Russian Meaning: ладонь

Turkic: *āja ( ~ -ń-)

Mongolian: *haliga(n)

Tungus-Manchu: *palŋa

Korean: *pār

Comments: EAS 107, KW 7, Poppe 95, Цинциус 1984, 27-28, ОСНЯ 3, 94-95, Дыбо 317, Лексика 252, Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 73 (but note that TM forms meaning 'foot, sole' should be certainly kept apart, see *pằlgà). The Mong.-Tung. match here seems impeccable, and (despite MT and Rozycki) borrowing is excluded. The Turkic form presents problems with a unique cluster development *-ĺŋ- > *-lń- > -ń-, but still is probably the reflex of the same root. The Korean form may belong here if we suppose a secondary semantic development 'palm' > 'handful' > 'armful'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ā́nŋi

Meaning: to trace, investigate

Russian Meaning: следить, исследовать

Turkic: *ēŋe-

Mongolian: *hana-

Tungus-Manchu: *panŋū-

Japanese: *pima-

Comments: The original meaning, still well traceable in Mong. and Jpn., must have been 'to follow (smb.) secretly, investigate stealthily'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ā́ra

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to be tired

Russian Meaning: уставать

Turkic: *ạ̄r-

Mongolian: *(h)ari-

Tungus-Manchu: *paru-

Korean: *parh-

Japanese: *pátá-

Comments: AKE 15, EAS 139, KW 13, Poppe 96, АПиПЯЯ 73, Цинциус 1984, 34, Мудрак Дисс. 182.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ā̀t`à

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to strike, hit

Russian Meaning: бить, ударять

Turkic: *ạt-

Mongolian: *(h)atalga

Tungus-Manchu: *pāt(i)-

Korean: *pat-

Japanese: *pàtà-k-

Comments: SKE 194, 247, PKE 147, Цинциус 1984, 36.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ā́t`i

Meaning: trousers, boots

Russian Meaning: штаны, сапоги

Turkic: *ētük

Tungus-Manchu: *pati

Korean: *pàtì

Comments: The Evk. word, albeit isolated in TM, builds a good bridge between the Turkic and the Korean forms.

Proto-Altaic: *p`edí

Meaning: energetic

Russian Meaning: энергичный

Turkic: *ide (/*ede)

Mongolian: *(h)ide

Tungus-Manchu: *pede

Japanese: *pintua-

Comments: The meaning 'horrible' in Japanese must be secondary, going back to < 'extreme' < 'powerful, energetic', reflected elsewhere.

Proto-Altaic: *p`èjńé

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: bone

Russian Meaning: кость

Turkic: *(j)ẹ̄n-čik

Mongolian: *ja-su

Tungus-Manchu: *peń-ŋen

Korean: *s-pjǝ́

Japanese: *pǝ̀niá

Comments: Martin 226, АПиПЯЯ 12, 13, 39-40, 67, 92, 274, Лексика 286. The irregular tone correspondence between Turk. and Kor.-Jpn. here should be probably explained by a secondary contraction *-ej- > *-ẹ̄- in PT. The medial *-j- is also responsible for the loss of *-ń- in Kor. and for the emergence of *j- in Mong. (*ja-su < *jan-su < *p`ejńe-sV). Kor. has here the *s-prefix (cf. also *s-kòrí 'tail',*s-pɨ́r 'horn').

Proto-Altaic: *p`èk`à

Meaning: to emit, throw

Russian Meaning: испускать, бросать

Turkic: *ek-

Mongolian: *haka-la-

Tungus-Manchu: *peK-

Korean: *phɨ́-

Japanese: *pàk-

Comments: SKE 184. See also notes to *bi̯ura `abandon'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ĕk`V

Meaning: acid, astringent

Russian Meaning: кислый, вяжущий

Turkic: *ek-ĺči-

Mongolian: *(h)ekeɣü

Tungus-Manchu: *pekču-

Comments: ТМС 2, 304. A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`éle ( ~ -o)

Meaning: to mock; to feel mocked at, be shy, distracted

Russian Meaning: насмехаться; чувствовать насмешку, стыдиться

Turkic: *elük

Mongolian: *hel-

Tungus-Manchu: *pel-

Japanese: *pǝ́rá-

Comments: Цинциус 1984, 68.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ĕ̀ĺo

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to walk, to run

Russian Meaning: ходить, бежать

Turkic: *ẹĺ-

Mongolian: *hülde-

Tungus-Manchu: *peli- (/*puli-)

Korean: *pā̆rb-

Japanese: *pàsìr-

Comments: Цинциус 1984, 46-47, JOAL 119, Street 1985, 646.

Proto-Altaic: *p`émi

Meaning: thread, twist a thread

Russian Meaning: нить, сучить нить

Mongolian: *himer-

Tungus-Manchu: *pem- / *pim-

Japanese: *pímǝ́

Comments: Cf. notes to *p`ujme for possible reflexes in Manchu, Jurchen and Korean.

Proto-Altaic: *p`eńu

Meaning: a k. of edible root

Russian Meaning: вид съедобного корня

Turkic: *Ań

Mongolian: *(h)ojimu

Tungus-Manchu: *peńe-kte

Comments: A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`éŋi

Meaning: to gape, hole

Russian Meaning: зиять, отверстие

Turkic: *eŋ-

Tungus-Manchu: *peŋ-

Korean: *pǝ̀ŋ-

Japanese: *pímá

Comments: SKE 197-198. Most languages reveal a variation of meanings 'gap' > 'to gape' ( > 'laugh, smile, be perplexed'). On a possible trace of this root in Mong. see *àŋa.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ép`a

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of insect

Russian Meaning: вид насекомого

Turkic: *apa-

Mongolian: *haba-kai

Tungus-Manchu: *pep-

Japanese: *pápái

Comments: An expressive root (possibly denoting originally some kind of locust or grasshopper), with some tabooistic changes in Turkic and Mongolian.

Proto-Altaic: *p`èrì

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: edge

Russian Meaning: край

Turkic: *Erneg

Mongolian: *hir-

Tungus-Manchu: *pere

Japanese: *piàrì

Comments: Цинциус 1984, 69-70, АПиПЯЯ 12, 281, ЭСТЯ 1, 301. Jpn. *piari instead of *piri probably under the influence of *pia 'edge, border' q. v. (or else it may indicate a reconstruction *p`èjrì). Cf. *p`ire.

Proto-Altaic: *p`erkV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to tie round, surround

Russian Meaning: обвязывать, окружать

Mongolian: *hergi-

Tungus-Manchu: *perke-

Comments: Poppe 103, Цинциус 1984, 70. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ĕ̀ro

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to wish, desire

Russian Meaning: желать, надеяться

Turkic: *er-

Mongolian: *(h)eɣe-re- ( < *here-re-?)

Tungus-Manchu: *per-

Korean: *pắrá-

Japanese: *pǝr-

Comments: Martin 230, Дыбо 14. Cf. also MKor. pjǝ̀rằ- 'to purpose, intend' (cf. SKE 198).

Proto-Altaic: *p`erV

Meaning: thumb

Russian Meaning: большой палец

Turkic: *erŋek

Mongolian: *herekei

Tungus-Manchu: *peru-

Comments: EAS 54, KW 125, Владимирцов 285, Poppe 11, 79, ОСНЯ 3, 73-76, Цинциус 1984, 71, ЭСТЯ 1, 299, Дыбо 318-321, Мудрак Дисс. 194, Лексика 253-255, Rozycki 76. A Western isogloss. Assumption of Mong. < Turk. (Щербак 1997, 116) is impossible. Cf. also Mong. (h)arba- 'to spread (of fingers)'. It is also interesting to note the equation (see Lee 1958, 109) of Manchu fereχe siŋguri (lit. 'fingered mouse') 'bat' = MKor. pā̆rk-čúi id. (čui 'mouse'). This may be a trace of the root in Korean; however, also possible is a local merger (in Korean and Manchu) of this root with PA *p`ore 'feather, wing' - in that case the compounds would mean rather 'winged mouse'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`èsì ( ~ -a-)

Meaning: old, former

Russian Meaning: старый, прежний

Turkic: *es-(kü)

Mongolian: *(h)esi

Korean: *ps-kɨ́i, *ps-tái

Japanese: *pìsà-si

Comments: See KW 128 (Turk.-Mong.), Лексика 86. Korean has a frequent vowel reduction between a stop and a fricative.

Proto-Altaic: *p`et`V ( ~ p-, -t-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to pinch

Russian Meaning: щипать, брать щепотку

Tungus-Manchu: *pet-

Korean: *ptɨ́-t-, *ptằ-

Comments: Lee 1958, 109. A Tung.-Kor. isogloss, with usual vowel loss between two stops in Kor. Cf. *pàt`á. On possible reflexes in Turkic and Mongolian (a result of contamination) see under *p`ắt`à(-kV).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ē

Meaning: to be unable

Russian Meaning: не мочь

Mongolian: *jada-

Tungus-Manchu: *pē-

Japanese: *piá-r- ( ~ -ai-)

Comments: One of the common Altaic monosyllabic verbal roots; Mong. and Jpn. reflect suffixed forms.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ḗč`V

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to be tired, defeated

Russian Meaning: уставать, быть побежденным

Turkic: *ēč- (~ī-)

Mongolian: *heče-

Tungus-Manchu: *peče-

Comments: EAS 96, PKE 32, Цинциус 1984, 72. A Western isogloss. Despite Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99, Doerfer MT 98, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. A Western isogloss: the Korean parallel mentioned in PKE 32 (č:i- 'be inferior to, weakened') is unreliable - probably a misreading of či- id.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ḕjk`V

Meaning: brain, head

Russian Meaning: мозг, голова

Mongolian: *heki

Tungus-Manchu: *pējKe

Korean: *pákì

Comments: KW 118, АПиПЯЯ 294, Poppe 56, Lee 1958, 109. Despite Doerfer MT 236, TM is not borrowed from Mong. Mong. *h- (not b-) before a long vowel indicates PA *p`.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ḕjló

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: belly, liver

Russian Meaning: живот, печень

Mongolian: *helige

Tungus-Manchu: *pēlbu-

Korean: *pắi

Japanese: *pàrà

Comments: АПиПЯЯ 68, 90 (with literature), 274, Martin 243. See also notes on *bŏga. Medial *-j- is reconstructed to account for the loss of -l- in Korean; Mong. *h- before a long vowel indicates PA *p`-.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ḗra

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: bee

Russian Meaning: пчела

Turkic: *ārɨ

Mongolian: *herbekei

Tungus-Manchu: *perē-

Korean: *pǝ̄r-

Japanese: *pátí

Comments: Martin 226, АПИПЯЯ 67, Лексика 186.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ḗta

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to step, walk

Russian Meaning: шагать, ходить

Turkic: *āt-

Mongolian: *(h)ada-

Tungus-Manchu: *pete-

Comments: KW 1, АПиПЯЯ 15, 71, 280 (with an erroneous Jpn. match, see *ā̀ja). A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ḕtá

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: meat; skin

Russian Meaning: мясо; шкура

Turkic: *et

Mongolian: *(h)adaska

Tungus-Manchu: *pētē

Japanese: *pàntá

Comments: For semantics cf. MKor. săr 'flesh, muscle', 'skin'. АПиПЯЯ 283, Дыбо 14, Лексика 455.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ḗt[e]

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: name, to call

Russian Meaning: имя, называть

Turkic: *āt

Tungus-Manchu: *pete-

Korean: *pɨ̀rɨ̀- / *pɨ́rɨ́-

Japanese: *pǝta-ja-

Comments: The parallel seems interesting (with a semantic development 'call' < > 'name' > 'omen', 'fate'), but back *ā in Turkic is not quite clear (one should rather expect *ēt); perhaps we should reconstruct dialectal variants *p`ḗte / *p`ḗta. See also notes to *pōto.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ĭč`i

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to drink, pour

Russian Meaning: пить, лить

Turkic: *ič-

Mongolian: *(h)ečüg-le-

Tungus-Manchu: *piče-

Comments: A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ĭjk`e

Meaning: rib, breast bone

Russian Meaning: ребро, грудная кость

Turkic: *ejekü

Tungus-Manchu: *piKen

Comments: Лексика 275. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`íjo

Meaning: spindle, part of loom or cross-bow

Russian Meaning: веретено, часть ткацкого станка или лука

Turkic: *ijik

Tungus-Manchu: *pia-la-

Korean: *pu-

Japanese: *pí

Comments: SKE 203. An interesting common Altaic cultural term.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ìlo

Meaning: to dry, heat

Russian Meaning: сушить, греть

Mongolian: *hil-

Tungus-Manchu: *pile-

Japanese: *pǝ̀-

Comments: One of the few verbs losing *-lV in Jpn. (cf. *gĕ̀le, *si̯óle), thus possibly a monosyllabic root (*p`ìl).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ĭ̀mà

Meaning: a k. of nut or berry

Russian Meaning: вид ореха или ягоды

Turkic: *imen

Tungus-Manchu: *pimi-kte

Korean: *pām

Japanese: *pàmì

Comments: Martin 248, JLTT 397 (Kor.-Jpn.). {For Turk. cf. alternatively WMo düm 'дуб остролистный вечнозеленый'}

Proto-Altaic: *p`ĭ́mù

Meaning: sign

Russian Meaning: знак

Turkic: *ɨm

Mongolian: *(h)im

Tungus-Manchu: *pim-

Japanese: *púmì

Comments: Цинциус 1984, 38-39, Poppe 1972, 99, АПиПЯЯ 12.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ìrá

Meaning: far

Russian Meaning: далекий

Turkic: *ɨra-

Mongolian: *hiri-če-

Japanese: *pàrú-kà-

Comments: PT *ɨra-k = PJ *pàrú-kà < PA *p`ìrá-k`V.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ire ( ~ -ŕ-)

Meaning: bank, steep bank

Russian Meaning: берег, крутой берег

Mongolian: *her-gi

Tungus-Manchu: *piri

Japanese: *pi(n)tipa

Comments: The comparison of PTM *piri with PT *jạ̄r (АПиПЯЯ 13) should be abandoned, since it does not explain PT closed *ạ (on the etymology of the Turkic word see rather *ǯḗro). For a possible Korean parallel see under *p`i̯ṓlo. Cf. *p`èrì.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ĭru

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to pray, bless

Russian Meaning: молиться, благословлять

Turkic: *ɨr-

Mongolian: *hiruɣe-

Tungus-Manchu: *pirugē-

Korean: *pīr-

Comments: EAS 53, 150, Владимирцов 181-182, Poppe 12, 60, ОСНЯ 3, 119-124, Цинциус 1984, 39, Дыбо 14. Despite Poppe 1966, 197, 1972, 100, Doerfer MT 23, TM is hardly < Mong.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ís[a]

Meaning: oblique

Russian Meaning: косой

Mongolian: *(h)isü

Korean: *pìsk-

Japanese: *pású

Comments: SKE 202, Martin 228. Preservation of -i- in Kor. presents a problem, as well as very scarce representation in Mong. (only Kalm.). PA *p`- (not *p-) is reconstructed because of *(h) in Mong., together with high pitch in Jpn.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ísi(KV)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to break, cleave, peck

Russian Meaning: ломать, раскалывать, долбить

Mongolian: *heske-

Tungus-Manchu: *pis(k)-

Korean: *pskɨ́r

Japanese: *písí, *pisi(n)k-

Comments: In Kor. cf. also psús-tōl 'whetstone', psɨ́- 'to rub', psùs- / psùč- 'to rub, to whet', psó- 'to sting; to shoot', pís 'comb'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ằge

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: rain

Russian Meaning: дождь

Turkic: *jag-

Mongolian: *(h)aɣa-

Tungus-Manchu: *pigi-n

Korean: *pí

Comments: АПиПЯЯ 13, 34, 283, Vovin 2000 (with a strange assertion that PT *jag- means `fall').

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯agu

Meaning: stripes, rope ornaments

Russian Meaning: полосы, веревочные украшения

Mongolian: *hoɣu-sur

Tungus-Manchu: *p[u]g-

Korean: *poh

Japanese: *pu

Comments: The Kor. match is somewhat dubious (even if it is not a loan, its meaning was certainly influenced by the similar Chinese word), but Mong., TM and Japanese still form a plausible match.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯agV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: hot; sun, day

Russian Meaning: жара; солнце, день

Mongolian: *heɣe-

Tungus-Manchu: *pigi-

Korean: *pài

Japanese: *pí

Comments: АПиПЯЯ 108, 277. Final vowel uncertain, due to contractions in Kor.-Jpn. originated by the loss of *-g-.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯àká

Meaning: mighty, heavy

Russian Meaning: мощный, тяжелый

Turkic: *iagɨr

Tungus-Manchu: *piaKa

Japanese: *pànkiá-

Comments: In Turkic one has to suppose the semantic development 'mighty, severe' > 'heavy' (cf. similarly 'important, authoritative' > 'heavy' in Mong., see under *kuńi). Cf. also *pĕ̀k`i.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯àlbí

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of small bird

Russian Meaning: вид небольшой птицы

Turkic: *jelbe

Tungus-Manchu: *pialakī

Japanese: *pìmpárí

Comments: Дыбо 9.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯àlk`i

Meaning: lightning, thunder

Russian Meaning: молния, гром

Turkic: *jAlkɨ-

Tungus-Manchu: *pialki-

Korean: *pǝ́nkái

Japanese: *pìkàr-

Comments: Street 1985, 641, АПиПЯЯ 13.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ắnč`i

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to crush

Russian Meaning: ломать

Turkic: *jạnč- / *jenč-

Mongolian: *niča- / *niǯa-

Tungus-Manchu: *pianči-

Japanese: *pínták-

Comments: Дыбо 1995b (Tung.-Mong.). In Mong. one has to suppose a contraction *niča- < *hin(i)ča- (cf. similarly *hunis- > nis- 'to fly'). An expressive root, but seems well reconstructable for PA.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ani

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: hen, chicken, hazel-hen

Russian Meaning: курица, цыпленок, рябчик

Mongolian: *jaŋgali

Tungus-Manchu: *pinukī

Korean: *pjǝŋ-

Japanese: *pina

Comments: Lee 1958, 109 (Kor.-TM). Modern Jpn. hiyoko (JLTT 412) < Kor.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯àŋk`i

Meaning: door post, detail of a house

Russian Meaning: дверной косяк, часть жилища

Turkic: *jAŋak

Mongolian: *(h)enike

Tungus-Manchu: *piaŋkV

Japanese: *pìnkùrái

Comments: The Turkic form raises some questions because it has actively merged with *jạjŋak 'cheek, jaw' < *zi̯ā̀ni q. v.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ári

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of worm

Russian Meaning: вид червя

Mongolian: *(h)irukai

Tungus-Manchu: *piaru

Korean: *pǝ̀r-

Japanese: *pìrû

Comments: SKE 198, АПиПЯЯ 297.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯áru

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to spin, plait, wrap

Russian Meaning: прясть, заплетать, заворачивать

Turkic: *ar-

Mongolian: *horiɣa-, *horči-

Tungus-Manchu: *por-

Korean: *pòròkí

Comments: EAS 53, 126, Poppe 11, 98, Цинциус 1984, 44-45, Rozycki 79. Despite Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. Kor. *pòròkí can be alternatively compared with PT *bele- 'to swaddle' (ЭСТЯ 2, 111-112).

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ā́č`o

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: acid, salty

Russian Meaning: кислый, соленый

Turkic: *iāčɨ-g

Tungus-Manchu: *pū̆č-

Korean: *pčắ-

Comments: PKE 22. Vowel length in Tung. is not clear (the root is attested only in some Evk. dialects, thus the phonology is not quite reliable here). Kor. has a usual vowel reduction between a stop and affricate.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ā̀le

Meaning: strap

Russian Meaning: лямка, ремешок

Turkic: *jelö

Mongolian: *hila-su

Tungus-Manchu: *pīl(a)-

Korean: *pjǝ́rí

Japanese: *pírái ( ~-ia)

Comments: OJ has irregular tone and vowel (one would rather expect -ǝ-), thus a loan from Korean cannot be excluded (although the Kor. and Jpn. meanings are rather distant).

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ā́rV

Meaning: to split, crack

Russian Meaning: расщеплять, щель

Turkic: *jār-

Mongolian: *jara-

Tungus-Manchu: *p[ia]ri-

Comments: A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`[i̯o]bu

Meaning: nest

Russian Meaning: гнездо

Turkic: *uja

Mongolian: *heɣür

Tungus-Manchu: *pubi / *pebi

Comments: VEWT 511 (with a dubious Mong. parallel), АПиПЯЯ 286. A Western isogloss. The TM vocalism is not quite clear (we would expect a diphthong *ia). Kor. pogɨm(čari) 'nest', compared with TM in SKE 204, cannot be related for phonetic reasons.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯òk`e

Meaning: pair, couple

Russian Meaning: пара

Turkic: *ẹk(k)i

Mongolian: *(h)ekire

Korean: *pǝ̀kɨ́-

Japanese: *pǝ̀ká

Comments: EAS 93, Владимирцов 321, АПиПЯЯ 284. Mong. *(h)ekire 'twins' = PT *ẹkiŕ (ЭСТЯ 1, 252-254) (although it is frequently regarded as borrowed from Turk., see TMN 2, 190-191, Щербак 1997, 119-120, Rozycki 115, this is hardly the case; borrowed is Mong. ikes 'placenta', see Clark 1980, 39). A different etymology of the Japanese word (: MKor. pask) see Martin 238. Kor. has a usual verbal low tone. {Cf. Amer. *pok 'two, second' (R 798)}

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ole

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: blanket, skin (as covering)

Russian Meaning: одеяло, покрышка из кожи

Turkic: *Eltiri

Mongolian: *hel-de-

Tungus-Manchu: *pul-sa

Japanese: *pǝrǝ

Comments: KW 119.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ŏlge

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to pray, sacrifice

Russian Meaning: молиться, приносить жертву

Turkic: *ạlkɨ-

Mongolian: *(h)ergül

Tungus-Manchu: *pulga-

Japanese: *pǝ(n)k- ( ~-ua-)

Comments: An interesting common Altaic religious term.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯oli ( ~ -ĺ-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: fly, midge

Russian Meaning: муха, мошка

Mongolian: *hilaɣa-n

Tungus-Manchu: *pulmi-kte

Korean: *pắrh

Comments: Mong. and Kor. reflect a common derivative *p`i̯oli-gV.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ŏ́ĺo

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: star

Russian Meaning: звезда

Turkic: *jul-duŕ (*-dɨŕ)

Mongolian: *hodu

Korean: *pjǝ̄r

Japanese: *pǝ́sí

Comments: PKE 150, Martin 243, АПиПЯЯ 13, 36, 90, 277. In TM cf. perhaps Evn. hildenre- 'to dawn' (ТМС 2, 324). In Turkic one would rather expect *juĺ-, but the root is only used with the suffix *-du-ŕ, and in preconsonantal position *-ĺ- and *-l- were neutralized ("Helimski's rule"). Note Turk. *jul-du- = Mong. *ho-du- ( < *hol-du-) ( = Evk. hil-de-), with the same affixation throughout the Western Altaic area.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ŏ̀ŕe ( ~ *p`ĕ̀ŕo)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to screw, carve, scratch

Russian Meaning: ввинчивать, вырезать, скрести

Turkic: *ẹŕ-

Mongolian: *(h)erü-

Tungus-Manchu: *pur- / *per-

Japanese: *pǝ̀r-

Comments: Poppe 103. The Jpn. form may reflect a merger with another root > Mong. *bula- 'to dig, bury'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ŏt`e ( ~ -t-, *p`i̯ăt`u)

Meaning: light

Russian Meaning: свет

Turkic: *ạt-

Tungus-Manchu: *puta-

Korean: *pjǝ̀t

Comments: SKE 199.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ṓlo

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: way, path; patch, precipice

Russian Meaning: дорога, тропа; проталина,ущелье

Turkic: *jōl

Tungus-Manchu: *pile-

Korean: *pjǝr-

Comments: АПиПЯЯ 283. Mong. ǯol 'luck', usually compared with PT *jōl (see VEWT 206 etc.), should be rather regarded as a loanword (because of the specific meaning), see TMN 4, 226-227, Щербак 1997, 124. The TM form is compared to Kor. pǝl 'meadow, plain' (SKE 196), for which another etymology is given in АПиПЯЯ (see *p`ā̀là). Note, however, that Kor. pjǝr- may be also derived from PA *p`i̯ā́rV 'split, precipice' (q. v.).

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ṑpo (*p`ṑjpo)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to cut through, grind

Russian Meaning: разрезать, точить

Turkic: *ob-

Mongolian: *(h)öb-

Tungus-Manchu: *pībē-

Korean: *pìpɨ́i-

Japanese: *pǝ̀pur-

Comments: In TM cf. also derived forms: Orok pīpu, Ul. pīpu, Ud. siɣi 'drill' (ТМС 2, 39) - possibly reflecting a contamination with *pi̯ŭ̀bi q. v. In Turkic one would rather expect *job-, so perhaps we should rather reconstruct *p`ṑjpo.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ṓp`[á]

Meaning: to walk, go away

Russian Meaning: ходить, уходить

Turkic: *(j)ēp-

Mongolian: *jabu-

Tungus-Manchu: *pupē-

Japanese: *pápúr-

Comments: Дыбо 13. The etymology seems convincing, despite some vocalic problems (we would either expect *jāp- in Turkic or *pǝp- ~ *pup- in Jpn.).

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ṑrí

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: back, West

Russian Meaning: задняя сторона, запад

Turkic: *ār-t

Mongolian: *hörö-ne

Tungus-Manchu: *perki-n / *purki-n

Japanese: *pìntárí

Comments: АПиПЯЯ 12. The Jpn. match is somewhat dubious semantically (possible if one assumes 'left' < 'West') and has an irregular low tone.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯udo ( ~ p`i̯odo)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to wake, cause

Russian Meaning: будить, заставлять

Turkic: *od-

Mongolian: *(h)uda-

Tungus-Manchu: *pidu- ( ~ -ü-)

Comments: A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ùgV

Meaning: to flay, cut

Russian Meaning: свежевать, резать

Turkic: *eg-dü

Mongolian: *(h)öɣe-le-

Tungus-Manchu: *püg-

Korean: *púi-, *pó

Japanese: *pà

Comments: Poppe 11 compares the Mong. form with TM *pule- which is less likely. Jpn. pà and MKor. pó reflect a contraction < *pi̯ugV-ga. An expressive root with not quite clear vocalic correspondences, rather difficult to distinguish from several similar: cf. *pŏ̀k`è, *p`ū̀gé, *p`àgò.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ukò

Meaning: a k. of rope, embroidery

Russian Meaning: вид веревки, вышивка

Turkic: *oka

Mongolian: *(h)ugulǯa

Tungus-Manchu: *püKV-

Japanese: *puki

Comments: The Mong. form is homonymous with *ugulǯa 'mountain deer' and may be unrelated ("deer embroidery"?).

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ula

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: ash tree

Russian Meaning: ясень

Mongolian: *hulija-sun

Tungus-Manchu: *pula

Japanese: *pari

Comments: EAS 55, KW 448, Цинциус 1984, 54, Rozycki 81. Despite Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. In Turkic cf. Bashk. jɨla `ash-tree' - although attested only in Bashkir, a perfect semantic and phonetic match for this root.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯un[e]

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a small wild animal

Russian Meaning: мелкое дикое животное

Turkic: *enük ( ~ *ünek)

Mongolian: *hünegen

Tungus-Manchu: *püń-

Comments: A Western isogloss, with not quite secure correspondences: in TM one would rather expect *pun-. Thus it is not excluded that the Evk. and Evn. forms reflect a vowel metathesis < *puni-ki.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ŭŋi

Meaning: other

Russian Meaning: другой, чужой

Turkic: *öŋi

Tungus-Manchu: *puŋtu

Japanese: *pina

Comments: ТМС 2, 350.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ùŋi

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to twist, twirl

Russian Meaning: крутить, вертеть

Turkic: *eŋir-

Tungus-Manchu: *puŋ-

Japanese: *pìniàr-

Comments: Delabialization in PT (*öŋir- would be expected) must be explained by the influence of *egir- q. v.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ŭ̀ri

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to be afraid, angry

Russian Meaning: бояться, сердиться

Mongolian: *hurin

Tungus-Manchu: *purkē-

Japanese: *pìrù-m-

Comments: Because of the loss of initial *p`- in Turk. the root may interfere with *ṑr(e)kV q. v.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯úsa

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to take off, scrape off

Russian Meaning: снимать, соскабливать

Mongolian: *hisuge

Tungus-Manchu: *pusi-

Korean: *pàs-

Japanese: *pásám-

Comments: In Kor. cf. also also pskǝ́-tì- 'to perish, disappear', pskắ- 'to strip off skin, peel', modern pasjǝ-ǯida 'crumble, go to pieces'; see SKE 192, 199, EAS 101-102; Цинциус 1984, 56. The isolated Daghur form could be a borrowing from Tungus (derivatives from this root can also mean 'scissors', 'razor', 'tweezers' - cf. Evk. husiwun, Evn. hụhoŋko, Orok pụsị̄qqụ etc.) - but the immediate source is unclear. On a possible Turkic reflex see under *isV.

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ŭsi

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to sprinkle

Russian Meaning: брызгать

Turkic: *üskür-

Mongolian: *hösür-

Tungus-Manchu: *pisu- / *pusu-

Korean: *pòsòi- / *pusɨi-

Comments: EAS 54, 149, KW 301, Poppe 11, 65, ОСНЯ 2, 102, Цинциус 1984, 50. Cf. also an expressive OJ form: bjisi-bjisi 'sound of wiping one's nose'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`[i̯ū̀]ju

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of tree

Russian Meaning: вид дерева

Turkic: *ɨ, *ɨ-(ń)gač

Mongolian: *hoj

Tungus-Manchu: *pōj-, *pōj-ki- ( > *piā-kī-)

Korean: *pǝ-

Japanese: *pí

Comments: SKE 199 (Turk.-Tung.-Kor.), Цинциус 1984, 37-38, АПиПЯЯ 284, Дыбо 11, Лексика 104. A rather complicated case, because of contractions and compounds. For the second part of the PT compound cf. perhaps Mong. gesi-ɣü(n) 'branch'. The old compound *p`i̯ūju-*gVša, beside Turk. *ɨgač, may be reflected in OJ pàjàsi 'forest', ТМ *pā(j)k[š]a 'wood' (ТМС 2, 311)).

Proto-Altaic: *p`i̯ū̀so

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: carving, sign

Russian Meaning: резьба, знак

Tungus-Manchu: *pǖsi-ke-

Korean: *psɨ́-

Comments: A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ī́k`è ( ~ -k-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to file, polish, rub

Russian Meaning: пилить, полировать, тереть

Turkic: *ẹ̄ke-

Tungus-Manchu: *piKi-

Japanese: *pík-

Comments: Дыбо 15, Мудрак Дисс. 198, Лексика 399. Mong. egeɣü is probably borrowed from Turkic. Closed *ẹ̄ in Turk. is not quite clear: it is either the result of narrowing in a polysyllabic stem, or a reflex of the lost *p`- (cf. the diphthongization in Chuv. jǝgev).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ī̀le ( ~ -i)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to fly, soar, flap

Russian Meaning: летать, парить, развеваться

Mongolian: *hele-

Tungus-Manchu: *pīlu-

Japanese: *pìrù(n)kap-

Comments: ОСНЯ 3, 105-106.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŏ̀ba

Meaning: to crawl, squat

Russian Meaning: ползать, сидеть на корточках

Mongolian: *(h)oji-či-

Tungus-Manchu: *pebi-

Japanese: *pàp-

Comments: In TM we must suppose *pebi- < *pobi- (with a frequent confusion of e and o after labials).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŏ́gè

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to be proud, rejoice

Russian Meaning: гордиться, радоваться

Turkic: *ög-

Mongolian: *(h)öɣegsi-

Japanese: *pǝ́kǝ́r-

Comments: Cf. also Evk. heɣe- 'to sing and dance'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`[ò]jamV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: snake

Russian Meaning: змея

Turkic: *uman

Mongolian: *jamu

Tungus-Manchu: *püjmur

Korean: *pắjàm

Japanese: *pàim(p)V̂

Comments: Martin 251, АПиПЯЯ 91, 278. Due to contractions of the sequence *-VjV-, the vowels are somewhat difficult to reconstruct.

Proto-Altaic: *p`oje ( ~ -i̯u-,-i̯o-, -i)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: pain, sore

Russian Meaning: боль, рана

Mongolian: *höɣe

Tungus-Manchu: *puje

Comments: Цинциус 1984, 46. A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ojme ( ~ -o)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: trousers, stockings

Russian Meaning: штаны, чулки

Turkic: *ojma

Mongolian: *hojimu-su

Tungus-Manchu: *pe(j)m-

Japanese: *pǝmuta

Comments: KW 304, Владимирцов 268, Poppe 11, 67, Цинциус 1984, 41-42. Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. is quite dubious, despite Щербак 1997, 161. The stem may be derived from *p`ojV 'to bind' - reflected in PM *huja- (HY 39 xuja-, WMong. uja-, Khalkha uja-, Mongor fujā-) id.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ójV

Meaning: a k. of fruit

Russian Meaning: вид фрукта

Tungus-Manchu: *puju-

Korean: *pằi

Comments: A Tung.-Kor. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`okt`o(-rV)

Meaning: environs

Russian Meaning: окрестности

Turkic: *otar

Mongolian: *hogtorgui

Tungus-Manchu: *pokta

Korean: *pàthàŋ

Japanese: *pǝtǝri ( ~ -ua-)

Comments: Kor. pathaŋ is probably < *păthaŋ through assimilation.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ó[k]u

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to swell

Russian Meaning: пухнуть

Turkic: *okra

Tungus-Manchu: *puk- / *pok-

Korean: *pak- ( ~ -ă-)

Japanese: *púkúrà-

Comments: Дыбо 14. An expressive and not quite regular root: in Turkic and Korean we probably have to presuppose an assimilative variant *p`ók`u, whereas the TM form points rather to *p`óku. See also notes to *bū́gà.

Proto-Altaic: *p`òk`à ( ~ -u-, -k-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of clothing

Russian Meaning: вид одежды

Turkic: *uk

Tungus-Manchu: *pokta

Japanese: *pàkàmà

Comments: A common Altaic term, denoting probably some sort of trousers or stockings.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ok`e

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to fall, lie

Russian Meaning: падать, лежать

Turkic: *ök-

Mongolian: *(h)öke-

Tungus-Manchu: *pukelē-

Comments: KW 294, Дыбо 13. A Western isogloss. Very scantily represented in Turkic and Mongolian, thus rather dubious.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŏk`i ( ~ -k-, -e)

Meaning: to trample, kick

Russian Meaning: топтать, пинать

Turkic: *ökče

Tungus-Manchu: *peK- / *poK-

Comments: ЭСТЯ 1, 520-521, Лексика 289. A Turk.-Tung. isogloss. Cf. *p`ŭ̀ske.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŏk`i (-ŕV) ( ~-e)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: ox, cow

Russian Meaning: бык, корова

Turkic: *öküŕ

Mongolian: *hüker

Tungus-Manchu: *puKur / *puKun

Comments: Владимирцов 322, Poppe 12, 56, ОСНЯ 3, 126-128, Цинциус 1984, 46. Щербак 1997, 131, TMN 1, 539. A Western isogloss. Doerfer MT 67 (following Sinor 1962, Poppe 1966, 198, 1972, 99) would wish Mong. to be borrowed < Turk. and TM < Mong.; phonology, however, speaks plainly against it.

Proto-Altaic: *p`oĺńe

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: ashes; grey

Russian Meaning: зола; серый

Turkic: *oń ( ~ -j)

Mongolian: *hüne-sü

Tungus-Manchu: *pulńe-

Comments: Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 60. АПиПЯЯ 37, 289, Rozycki 81. A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`òme

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: breast, part of breast

Russian Meaning: грудь, часть груди

Turkic: *ömül-dürük

Mongolian: *(h)ün-Külčig

Tungus-Manchu: *pum-te

Korean: *púmh

Comments: SKE 216, EAS 56.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŏ́mu

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to walk (in a substance)

Russian Meaning: передвигаться (с трудом: в воде, в траве)

Turkic: *omač-

Mongolian: *homba-

Tungus-Manchu: *pom-

Japanese: *púm-

Comments: The common meaning may be postulated as 'to move with some difficulty, through some substance (water, grass, snow etc.)'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ońa ( ~ -e-)

Meaning: wrinkle, to wrinkle

Russian Meaning: морщина, морщиться

Mongolian: *hani-

Tungus-Manchu: *pońi- / *peńi-

Comments: A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŏŋe ( ~ -i)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: mildew, slime

Russian Meaning: плесень, слизь

Turkic: *öŋeŕ

Mongolian: *(h)öŋgür

Tungus-Manchu: *puŋ-

Comments: A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŏ̀re

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: fire; to burn

Russian Meaning: огонь; пылать

Turkic: *ört

Mongolian: *(h)örde-

Tungus-Manchu: *puri- / *piri-

Korean: *pɨ́r

Japanese: *pǝ̀-i

Comments: EAS 54, 147, KW 300, Martin 232, Menges 1984, 286-287, АПиПЯЯ 73, 93-94, 98, 275, Лексика 358. Mong. örde- may be < Turk.; but cf. also Khalkha ürevse- 'to flame up'. Jpn. *pǝ̀- presupposes a suffixed form *p`ŏ̀r(e)-gV.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ore ( ~ -i̯-, -ŕ-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: feather, wing

Russian Meaning: перо, крыло

Mongolian: *(h)örbelge

Tungus-Manchu: *purakī

Japanese: *pǝrǝ

Comments: The root is not very widely attested, but seems quite reliable.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŏ̀t`è

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to burn, singe

Russian Meaning: жечь, палить

Turkic: *üt-

Mongolian: *hutuɣa

Tungus-Manchu: *put-

Korean: *pɨ̀th-, *ptɨ́-, *ptí-

Comments: SKE 265 (criticized with no reason at all in TMN 2, 10: "unannehmbar").

Proto-Altaic: *p`ṑči ( ~ -e)

Meaning: spark; to extinguish

Russian Meaning: искра; гаснуть

Turkic: *öč-

Tungus-Manchu: *pōsi-

Comments: A Turk.-Tung. isogloss; cf. *p`ùčV (on a possible Mong. reflex see under *ōt`a).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ṓle

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: wet, succulent; grass, plant

Russian Meaning: влажный, сочный; трава

Turkic: *ȫl

Tungus-Manchu: *pul-

Korean: *pɨ̀rh-

Comments: EAS 56, SKE 215, Poppe 110, KW 295, VEWT 371, Цинциус 1984, 47-48. АПиПЯЯ 296. Cf. also Old Koguryo *pä(l)lŏk- 'green', see Miller 1979, 9. The etymology seems quite satisfactory, despite Doerfer's (TMN 2, 161-162) critical attempts ("semantisch nicht ganz befriedigende Vergleich").

Proto-Altaic: *p`ṑńŋa

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to crush, break, tear off

Russian Meaning: разрушать, ломать, отдирать

Turkic: *oŋur-, *oŋ-

Tungus-Manchu: *pōnŋa- / *pēnŋa-

Korean: *pằńằ-

Japanese: *pànà-

Comments: One of the common Altaic "Verba des Schlagens". Korean has a usual low verbal tone.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ṓre

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: top

Russian Meaning: вершина

Turkic: *ȫr-

Mongolian: *horaj, *horgil

Tungus-Manchu: *pora-n

Japanese: *pǝrǝ

Comments: Cf. also WMong. orbaji- 'in die Höhe stehen, emporragen', MTurk. orpat-, örpet- id. (KW 290). Despite Doerfer MT 39, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. Cf. *ṓŕi.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ṑrV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: trace

Russian Meaning: след

Turkic: *oruk

Mongolian: *horum /-im

Tungus-Manchu: *pōr-da-

Korean: *pórám

Comments: SKE 206, Лексика 532, ТМС 2, 333.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ṓt`è

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: hole

Russian Meaning: дыра

Turkic: *ǖt

Mongolian: *hütü-

Tungus-Manchu: *putē

Korean: *pot

Japanese: *pǝtǝ

Comments: KW 460, Poppe 112, Poppe 1950, Lee 1958, 109, Ozawa 140-141, Цинциус 1984, 66.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ùb(a)gV

Meaning: broom, stick

Russian Meaning: метла, палка

Turkic: *ubɨg

Tungus-Manchu: *pebgure (/*pu-)

Korean: *púi

Japanese: *pàpákí

Comments: Vocalic reconstruction is not quite certain in a trisyllabic stem. TM *pebgure probably < *pobgure (due to frequent variation of *o and *e close to labials).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ubá-ktV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: sack, bellows

Russian Meaning: мешок, меха

Mongolian: *huwta

Tungus-Manchu: *putakān

Japanese: *pampuki

Comments: Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 52. Despite Doerfer MT 47, Rozycki 76-77, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.; but to be related, it has to go back to an earlier form like *pubta-kān.

Proto-Altaic: *p`uču

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: wart, pimple, excrescence

Russian Meaning: бородавка, прыщ, нарост

Turkic: *uč-

Tungus-Manchu: *pusi(-kV)

Korean: *pǝ̀čɨ́m

Japanese: *pùsù-mpái

Comments: Irregular accent correspondence between Kor. and Jpn. (besides, the Kor. vowel is aberrant: we would rather expect -u- or -o-, or a vowel reduction).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ùčV ( ~ *p-, -o-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to blow

Russian Meaning: дуть

Tungus-Manchu: *pus-

Korean: *pùčhǝ́i

Japanese: *pùsù-(m)pur-

Comments: SKE 211-212, Lee 1958, 111. An Eastern isogloss; may be actually a variant of *p`ṑči - if the original meaning was 'to blow out (fire)'. Kor. low tone reflects the stem's original verbal nature.

Proto-Altaic: *p`úč`í ( ~ -o-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: a k. of willow, blossoming bush

Russian Meaning: вид ивы, цветущего кустарника

Mongolian: *hüčije-

Tungus-Manchu: *puči-

Japanese: *púntí

Comments: Poppe 11, 51; Цинциус 1984, 51.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ude ( ~ -i̯u-)

Meaning: willow, maple

Russian Meaning: ива, клен

Turkic: *öd(r)eŋi

Mongolian: *huda

Tungus-Manchu: *pode-

Korean: *ptǝ́rkí

Comments: Cf. *pū́t`ò.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭdi

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to follow

Russian Meaning: следовать

Turkic: *ud-

Mongolian: *hüde-

Tungus-Manchu: *pude-

Korean: *ptɨ-

Comments: EAS 55, KW 455, Poppe 52, 111 (Tung.-Mong.), Цинциус 1984, 58. Despite TMN 1, 537, Doerfer MT 80, TM forms (except Evk. ude-) cannot be borrowed from Mong. {Dolg. ND 117 compares Turkic with Mong. *uda- 'be late, delay' which is less plausible.}

Proto-Altaic: *p`ugu ( ~ -o)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: tinder; excrescence

Russian Meaning: трут, древесный гриб, нарост

Turkic: *ugu-

Mongolian: *huɣula

Tungus-Manchu: *pug(i)ju-

Comments: VEWT 508, Мудрак Дисс. 147. A Western isogloss. MMong. hula, (IM) holā, WMong. ula, Mongor fula may be a different root, corresponding directly to TM *pula (ТМС 2, 343) id. (see EAS 55, Poppe 12, Цинциус 1984, 53, Doerfer MT 132) - however, in TM *pug(u)la is also reconstructable, and MMong. hula may well be a variant of *huhula.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭgV ( ~ -k-)

Meaning: to attack, rob

Russian Meaning: нападать, грабить

Turkic: *ogrɨ

Tungus-Manchu: *pukču-

Comments: A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`uje

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to whirl, boil

Russian Meaning: вращаться (в водовороте), кипеть

Turkic: *üjük

Mongolian: *hujil-

Tungus-Manchu: *puju-

Comments: Poppe 67, Цинциус 1984, 59. A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ujme

Meaning: to mix

Russian Meaning: смешивать

Mongolian: *hüjime-

Tungus-Manchu: *pume- ( ~ -ü-)

Korean: *pǝ̀mɨ́r-

Comments: Poppe 12, Lee 1958, 110, Цинциус 1984, 59. The root is somewhat dubious: the older meaning attested in Kor. is 'to bind, tie up', and the root may actually reflect PA *p`émi 'twist a thread' (q. v.); the same is true of the TM forms that may in fact (especially because for Jurch. the meaning 'bind' is attested) go back to the same PTM root *pem-.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ujV

Meaning: to nauseate

Russian Meaning: тошнить

Mongolian: *hoji-

Tungus-Manchu: *puji-

Japanese: *pǝ- ( ~ -u-)

Comments: An expressive root; correspondences, however, seem to be regular.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ukǯi

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: thigh, rump

Russian Meaning: бедро, крестец

Mongolian: *(h)ögǯeg

Tungus-Manchu: *pogǯV

Comments: A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭle ( ~ -i)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to be left, surplus

Russian Meaning: оставаться, излишек

Turkic: *üle-

Mongolian: *hüle-

Tungus-Manchu: *pule-

Comments: EAS 55, Владимирцов 187, Poppe 12, 111, Цинциус 1984, 60, Rozycki 82. A Western isogloss. Despite Doerfer MT 23, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭ̀lgi ( ~ -o-)

Meaning: to blow

Russian Meaning: дуть

Mongolian: *hüliɣe-

Tungus-Manchu: *pul(i)gi-

Korean: *pūr-

Japanese: *pùk-

Comments: EAS 55, KW 457, SKE 209, Lee 1958, 110, Poppe 12, 112, Цинциус 1984, 57, Martin 226. Not borrowed in TM < Mong., despite Rozycki 81. In Turk. the root has probably merged with *ŭĺi 'to freeze' q. v. (cf. the meaning 'to blow (of a cold wind)' in Chuv.).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭ́li

Meaning: root, foundation

Russian Meaning: корень, основание

Mongolian: *(h)ölmej

Tungus-Manchu: *pule-

Korean: *pɨ̀rhắi

Japanese: *pú-

Comments: SKE 1949, 209, Lee 1958, 109, Цинциус 1984, 61, АПиПЯЯ 291. The Mong. form can belong here only if the attested HY form o[li]mi is aberrant, reflecting the stage of language (or dialect) with h- already lost. Otherwise Mong. reflexes are to be separated from this root. On possible Turkic reflexes see under *ŭla.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭ̀ĺi

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to open up

Russian Meaning: раскрывать, прокалывать

Turkic: *üĺ-

Tungus-Manchu: *pule-

Korean: *pɨ́rh-

Comments: SKE 210, 215-216. Cf. also MKor. părk- 'to get away or free from'; Bur. ülxe- 'to bead, string' ( > Evk. ulge- etc.). Despite Poppe 1972, 99, the TM forms cannot be borrowed < Mong. ülte- (see s.v. *uĺi).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭ̀lo

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: cheek

Russian Meaning: щека

Mongolian: *hurul

Tungus-Manchu: *pul-

Korean: *pór-

Japanese: *pǝ̀-pǝ́ (~-ua-)

Comments: EAS 55, Цинциус 1984, 53, Lee 1958, 110, АПиПЯЯ 75, Martin 228. Mong. *hurul regularly < *hulu-r. As for the Jpn. form, it may be a reduplication (as thought traditionally; in this case *pǝ- < *p`ùl(o)-gV), or reflect an already suffixed form, cf. e. g. Nan. polpị ( < *p`ùlo-pV).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ulu (~-o) (?)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: possessions, estate

Russian Meaning: имущество, имение

Turkic: *ulu-ĺ

Korean: *pùrɨ̀r

Comments: A Turk.-Kor. isogloss; dubious because the Kor. word is very sparsely attested.

Proto-Altaic: *p`uma ( ~ p-, -i̯u-, -e)

Meaning: a k. of big predator

Russian Meaning: вид крупного хищника

Tungus-Manchu: *pomā- / *pume-

Korean: *pǝ̄m

Comments: A Tung.-Kor. isogloss; within TM attested only in Evk., thus somewhat dubious.

Proto-Altaic: *p`úńe

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: nose; smell, to smell

Russian Meaning: нос; запах, пахнуть

Mongolian: *hünir

Tungus-Manchu: *puń-

Japanese: *páná

Comments: EAS 55, Цинциус 1984, 61, АПиПЯЯ 78, 277, Rozycki 82. Despite Doerfer MT 80, TM cannot be borrowed from Mong. Initial *p`- (not *p-) is reconstructed because of *h- in Mong. and high pitch in Jpn. Cf. *póńe.

Proto-Altaic: *p`úńe

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: hair; feather

Russian Meaning: волос; перо

Mongolian: *hü-sü

Tungus-Manchu: *puńe-

Japanese: *pánái

Comments: ОСНЯ 3, 83-84, Цинциус 1984, 61-62, АПиПЯЯ 29-30, 112, 275, KW 460 (Mong. ~ TM); an alternative etymology of Poppe (Poppe 70: linking the TM form with Mong. ünegen 'fox' and Yak. ünügäs 'puppy') is obviously untenable. Cf. also Mong. *hö-dün 'feather' ( < *hön-dün ?). {For *hödün cf. rather TM forms: Ma. fulǵači, fulsuri, Ewn. huloŋ, hultukta, ТМС 2, 343, 344, 346.}

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭ̀nte

Meaning: a k. of insect

Russian Meaning: вид насекомого

Mongolian: *hötün

Tungus-Manchu: *pundimi

Korean: *pántó

Japanese: *pǝ̀taru ( ~ -ua-)

Comments: Mergers with *pā̀t`e were possible (esp. in Jpn., where otherwise -a- would be expected). Reasons of the loss of -n- in Mong. are not clear. Cf. PAN *-petpet 'firefly'.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭnV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to hit the target

Russian Meaning: попадать в цель

Turkic: *una-

Mongolian: *honu-

Tungus-Manchu: *penū- / *punū-

Comments: A Western isogloss. ? Cf. Jpn. pono-mek- 'to show vaguely, guess' etc. (if not the same as pono-ka).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ùŋké

Meaning: fade, exuviate

Russian Meaning: выцветать, линять

Turkic: *oŋ- / *öŋ-

Mongolian: *(h)oŋgu-

Tungus-Manchu: *puŋk- / *peŋk-

Korean: *pǝ̀ŋkɨ́r-

Japanese: *pànká-

Comments: In Turk. *üŋ would be expected; the vocalism was probably influenced by the homonymous *oŋ / *öŋ 'colour, exterior'. Kor. has a usual verbal low tone.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭ̀ri

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: seed

Russian Meaning: семя

Turkic: *urug ( ~ *or-)

Mongolian: *hüre

Tungus-Manchu: *pur-

Korean: *pòrì

Japanese: *pú

Comments: KW 459, Poppe 111, Цинциус 1972a, 52-59, 1984a, 62-63, АПиПЯЯ 47-48, 286, Лексика 116, Doerfer MT 137. Jpn. *pú < *p`úr(i)-gV ( = Turk. *urug etc.)

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭ́ri

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to shake

Russian Meaning: трясти

Turkic: *ur-

Mongolian: *(h)üre-

Tungus-Manchu: *por-

Japanese: *púrú-p-

Comments: Mong. also has a back variant *(h)uri-, reflected in *(h)uri-ldu- 'to contest, fight' (WMong. urildu-, uraldu-, Khalkha uralda-) = PT *uru-ĺč- id.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭŕi ( ~ -e)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to crush

Russian Meaning: ломать, разрушать

Turkic: *üŕ-

Mongolian: *hürü-

Tungus-Manchu: *puru-, *purgu-

Korean: *pɨr-

Comments: EAS 54, 56, 149, Poppe 12, 111, SKE 210, ОСНЯ 2, 101, Цинциус 1984, 63-64. Despite Rozycki 83, TM cannot be borrowed < Mong.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭrV

Meaning: forest

Russian Meaning: лес

Turkic: *orman

Tungus-Manchu: *pure

Comments: A Turk.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`urV ( ~ -o-, -ŕ-)

Meaning: down, below

Russian Meaning: вниз, внизу

Mongolian: *huruɣu

Tungus-Manchu: *pur-

Comments: A Mong.-Tung. isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭrVk`V

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: rope, lasso

Russian Meaning: веревка, аркан

Turkic: *uruk

Mongolian: *huraka

Tungus-Manchu: *purka

Comments: EAS 53, 125, Poppe 101, Цинциус 1984, 55. A Western isogloss. Despite TMN 2, 87, Щербак 1997, 162, Mong. cannot be borrowed < Turkic; again, despite Doerfer MT 18, TM cannot be < Mong. (all because of archaic *p- preservation both in Mong. and TM). Quite enigmatic is the relationship of this root to synonymous *ŭk`urkV q. v.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭ́sa

Meaning: plan, reason

Russian Meaning: план, причина

Turkic: *us

Mongolian: *hasaɣu-

Tungus-Manchu: *puse

Korean: *psɨ́-

Japanese: *pánsú

Comments: An interesting common Altaic abstract term (although voicing in Jpn. is not quite clear).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ŭ̀ske

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: to kick, knock

Russian Meaning: пинать, лягать

Mongolian: *(h)öskil-

Tungus-Manchu: *poske-

Japanese: *pànsìk-

Comments: Poppe 11, 65, 90, Цинциус 1984, 50-51; TM cannot be borrowed < Mong., despite Rozycki 76. Cf. *p`ŏk`i.

Proto-Altaic: *p`út`à ( ~ -o-)

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: rope; woof, yarn

Russian Meaning: веревка; ткань, пряжа

Turkic: *otgun

Mongolian: *huta

Tungus-Manchu: *put-

Korean: *patak ( ~ -ă-)

Japanese: *pátà

Comments: Poppe 12, 51; Цинциус 1984, 56-57; UAJ 1995, 88 (Kor.-Jpn.).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ū̀gé

Meaning: to tear off, sever

Russian Meaning: отрывать, отделять

Mongolian: *(h)ug- / *(h)üg-

Tungus-Manchu: *pōg- / *peg-de-

Korean: *pǝ̀hí-

Japanese: *pànk-

Comments: EAS 55, Martin 229. An expressive root (cf. also *pŏ̀k`è, *p`i̯ùgV, *p`àgò).

Proto-Altaic: *p`ūji

Meaning: to stiffen

Russian Meaning: неметь, затекать

Turkic: *ujɨ-

Mongolian: *(h)öje-

Tungus-Manchu: *pū-

Comments: A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ū́k`ŋi

Meaning: to rub, wipe off

Russian Meaning: тереть, стирать

Turkic: *ǖk-

Mongolian: *hüŋgü-

Tungus-Manchu: *puŋku

Japanese: *púk-

Comments: The root means 'to wipe off' in the Eastern area, but rather 'to rub off, crush' in Turkic and Mongolian.

Proto-Altaic: *p`ū̀ri ( ~ -e)

Meaning: to blow

Russian Meaning: дуть

Turkic: *ür-

Mongolian: *(h)uri-

Tungus-Manchu: *pū-

Comments: EAS 55, 149. A Western isogloss.

Proto-Altaic: *p`VbV

Nostratic: Nostratic

Meaning: many, ten / hundred (an auxiliary stem)

Russian Meaning: весь

Turkic: *ōn

Mongolian: *ha-

Tungus-Manchu: *poba

Japanese: *-pǝ ~ *-pua

Comments: The original root structure is not quite clear: perhaps one has to suppose a monosyllabic root *p`ō-, with suffixed *-ba(n) or *-n.

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