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Енисейский праязык (праенисейский язык) - предок
енисейских
(кеттско-югских) языков.
Proto-Yeniseian Reconstructions, with Extra-Yeniseian Comparisons
Sergei A. Starostin and Merritt Ruhlen
The small Yeniseian family of central Siberia—now reduced to a single extant language, Ket—has traditionally been considered an isolate.*
Though less famous than the well-known European isolate, Basque, its genetic affinity has been considered no less mysterious.
Even information on this family has not been easy to come by for those wishing to compare it with the world’s other language families.
Starostin (1982), however, has fundamentally changed this state of affairs.
In this pivotal paper he not only reconstructed Proto-Yeniseian—and the sound laws that connect its several languages —
but also sought to show its genetic connections with the Sino-Tibetan and (North) Caucasian families,
and even the genetic connections of this larger family with the Nostratic family.
The external connections of the Yeniseian family were further elaborated in Starostin (1984),
which posited a SinoCaucasian family (uniting Yeniseian, Sino-Tibetan, and (North) Caucasian),
and Starostin (1989a) addressed the question of the relationship between Nostratic and Sino-Caucasian.
Additional work by Bengtson (1991a, b), Chirikba *We would like to thank John Bengtson
for numerous suggestions on an earlier version of this chapter.
Many of his suggestions have been incorporated, with citation, in this chapter (1985),
and Nikolaev (1991) has led to the replacement of the name SinoCaucasian by Dene-Caucasian (see Chapter 1).
It should be noted that the higher-level comparisons between Proto-Yeniseian, Proto-Sino-Tibetan,
and Proto-(North) Caucasian are based on the first author’s reconstructions of all three families
(Starostin 1989b, Nikolaev and Starostin 1992) — with due acknowledgment of previous work.
This chapter, an abridged version of Starostin (1982), gives the ProtoYeniseian reconstructions and their reflexes
in the various Yeniseian languages (again, of these, only Ket is extant).
Also given are the extra-Yeniseian comparisons suggested by Starostin. My role, as second author,
has been limited to translating Starostin’s work from the original Russian,
with the hope of making it accessible to a larger audience, and to adding a few extra-Yeniseian comparisons
with Basque, Burushaski, Nahali, and Na-Dene.
Since the appearance of Starostin’s original article in 1982, additional proposed cognates
have been suggested by John Bengtson, V´aclav Blaˇzek, Sergei Nikolaev, and Starostin himself.
Some of these are indicated at the ends of the etymologies thus supplemented.
Each entry is arranged alphabetically according to the semantic gloss,
which is followed by the Proto-Yeniseian reconstruction and its reflexes in
the six Yeniseian languages: Ket, †Yug, †Kott, †Arin, †Pumpokol, and †Assan.
This information is followed by extra-Yeniseian comparisons with
Old Chinese,
Proto-Andi,
Proto-Abkhaz-Adyg,
Proto-Abkhaz-Tapant,
Proto-Dagestanian,
Proto-Indo-European,
Proto-Kartvelian,
Proto-Lezghian,
Proto-Nax,
ProtoTsez,
Proto-(North) Caucasian,
Proto-Tibeto-Burman,
and Proto-SinoTibetan, all taken from Starostin’s article.
The comparisons with
Basque,
Burushaski,
Nahali,
and Na-Dene are mine.
The Na-Dene forms come from Greenberg (1981; see Chapter 5 herein);
Burushaski forms, from Lorimer (1938); and Nahali forms, from Kuiper (1962).
For the most part the phonemic transcription follows that of Starostin’s article.
Thus, for example, crepresentsts, and I indicates pharyngealization of the preceding consonant.
I have, however, used normal IPA symbols for the lateral fricatives and affricates, instead of the idiosyncratic Russian symbols;
the effect is that what appear as ˇx, ˇγ, ˇk, and ˇgin the original article are here transcribed as ¬, μ, tl, and dl.
In addition, ´l and ´ nare represented by ¥ and ˜n, respectively, and dz is used in place of J. Furthermore,
ärepresents a lowermid unrounded central vowel in the Yeniseian languages and in Burushaski,
but a vowel of indeterminate timbre in the reconstructions.
The meanings of all forms are the same as those of the Proto-Yeniseian reconstruction, unless specified otherwise.
6 ARMPIT *qo¥-, Ketqò¥-, Yugxòl-. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian
*¯q’
w
(I)ä¯t
l
’i, Proto-Tibeto-Burman*k(a)li, Burushaski-qät, Nahali
kat.
hla.According to Kuiper (1962: 83), the Nahali form is borrowed from Kurku (Munda).
9 BACK (n.) *χòb-, Ketqòb-∼qòv-, Kotthap-, Arinqop, Pumpokolkolpar.
10 BACK (adv.) *suga, Ket´suga, Yugsugej, Kottˇs¯ uka, Pumpokol
tuk. Cf. Burushaski-sqa ‘on one’s back.’ Bengtson (1991a: 92)
compares these forms with Basquebi-zka-r, Abkhaz (Caucasian)
a-zk
w
a, and Haida (Na-Dene)sku.
11 BADGER *χas, Kotth¯aˇs. Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *χ
w
Iär´ cä‘squirrel, marten, ’ Proto-Nax *χeˇ st‘otter, ’ Basque hartz‘bear, ’ azkonar
(< *harz-konH-) ‘badger’; for the second element of this latter form,
see the Proto-Yeniseian word for WOLVERINE1below.
12 BALD/NAKED *tòtpäl-, Kettòtpu¥, Kottt
h
apal¯ o.
13 BE *häs-, Ketu´saÑ, Yug¯ usè, Kotthiˇc¯ oga. Cf. Basquei-za-n.
14 BEAK *kup, Ketk¯up, Yugkup. Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *q
w
Iepä.
15 BEAR (n.) *ˇcajaÑ, KottˇsajaÑ, Pumpokolxanki. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *c
hw
¨a÷nä, Proto-Tibeto-Burman *s-wam, Old
Chinese *wëm, Burushaskiy¯˜a.
33 BREAST *tëga, Kettäga, Yugtäga, Pumpokoltike. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *jerk’
w
i ∼ *rek’
w
i ‘heart, ’ Proto-Tibeto-Burman
*raÑ, Old Chinese *÷(r)ëk, Burushaskitshäγur‘chest, ’ Na-Dene:
Haidatek’o-go‘heart, ’ Tlingit tek’ ‘heart, ’ Kutchin t’agu, Tahltant’´ odˇz-e, Haret’oy, Mattolet
s
’oo÷. The Haida and Tlingit forms
were added by Bengtson and Blaˇzek (1992).
40 CHILD 1 *päl- ∼ *pä´r-∼ *pär1-, Arinal-polat, Pumpokolphalla
‘boy, son.’ Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *paHa
¯ d
l
ä‘boy, youngster, ’ Old
Chinese *b¯ok‘servant, ’ Burushaski pílpíli, Nahalipalco‘son.’
Kuiper (1962: 96) suggests the Nahali word may be a borrowing
from “pre-Dravidian.”
43 CLAY *tu÷w-, Kettu÷, Arint
uburun, Pumpokoltu-, Assant
u∼
t
h
u. Cf. Na-Dene: Haidatow-ge ‘earth.’
44 CLAY/DIRT *tëq-, Kettuγit ‘smear with clay, ’ tagar ‘clay, ’ Yug
tëx‘clay, ’ ti-x-kèt
‘smear with clay, ’ Kott t
h
agar‘dirt, ’ As tagar
‘clay, ’ t
h
agan∼t
h
akan‘sand, ’ Arin tanen‘sand.’ Cf. Basque toska
‘clay, ’ Burushaski t¯ ık ‘earth, ’ Nahali t
s
ikal ‘earth, ’ Na-Dene: Haida
t
l
ig ‘earth, ’ Tlingit t
l
iak-¯ u∼t
l
it-tik ‘earth, ’ Eyak tzatlkh‘earth, ’
Navajo¬e‘earth.’ Kuiper (1962: 67) considers the Nahali word a
borrowing from Kurku (Munda).
45 CLEAN (adj.) *tur-∼ *tul-, Yugtul-en. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *
¯ d
z
än¿u, Proto-Tibeto-Burman *tsyaÑ, Old Chinese *cheÑ.
Bengtson and Blaˇzek (1992) add Basqueˇsanhu.
74 EAGLE *dä÷ G-, Ketdi÷, Yugdi÷, Kotttage. Cf. Proto-(North)
Caucasian *leq’
w
Ia‘name of a large bird, ’ Proto-Tibeto-Burman
*laÑ∼ *lak‘falcon, hawk, ’ Old Chinese *laÑ∼t
l
aÑ‘hawk.’ Bengtson (pers. comm.) adds Na-Dene: HaidalGo‘heron’ and Tlingit lαq’
‘heron, crane.’
77 EAT *siG-, Ket´s¯ ı, Yugs¯ ı, Kottˇsig ‘food, ’ Arinˇsa-n, Pumpokol
sogo. Starostin (1984: 23) compared the Proto-Yeniseian form with
Proto-Sino-Tibetan *d
z
h˘aHand later (1989a: 64) added Proto-(North) Caucasian *d
z
a
¯
HV‘drink.’ Bengtson and Blaˇ zek (1992)
compare these forms with Burushaskiˇs
.
i-.
78 EGG/FISH EGGS *jeÑ∼ *jòÑ, KetòÑ-di´ s‘fish eggs, ’ ¯eÑ‘eggs, ’
YugòÑ-dis ‘fish eggs, ’ eÑ‘egg, ’ Kott d
anan‘fish eggs, ’ Arin ujnun
‘fish eggs, ’ aÑ‘egg, ’ Pumpokol ta˜ naÑ‘egg, ’ Assan anaÑ‘fish eggs.’
Bengtson and Blaˇzek (1992) compare the Proto-Yeniseian form with
Proto-(North) Caucasian *d
l
i
¯
ngwV‘roe, ’ Burushaski tiÑ‘egg, ’ and
Proto-Sino-Tibetan *di‘egg.’
83 EVENING *bis, Ketb¯ı´ s, Yugbis, Kottp¯ıˇ s, Arinpis, Pumpokol
biˇc-idin, Assanpiˇjaga. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *bäsä‘night,
evening, ’ Ingushbijsa‘night, ’ Ubykh z
w
a-psë‘evening.’ Bengtson
and Blaˇzek (1992) add Burushaskibasa‘halting for the night; night
or day (as a measure of time).’
84 EXCREMENT/DIRT *po÷q, Kethò÷q, Yugfò÷q, Kottph¯ok∼f¯ ok
‘excrement, ’ phago∼fago ‘dirt.’ Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *p
h
i- H i- lχ
w
ä
‘diarrhea, feces.’
85 EYE *de-s, Ketd¯e´ s, Yugdes, Kottt¯ ıˇ s, Assanteˇ s, ArintieÑ, Pumpokoldat. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *÷
w
ilhi, Na-Dene: Kutchin
ë-nde, Haree-d
j
a, Galice-daai, Chiricahua
n
d´a`a.
89 FATHER *÷ob, Ket¯op, Yugop, Kott¯op, Arini´ pa, Pumpokolab.
Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *÷opä-, Proto-Tibeto-Burman *ba, Old
Chinese *ba, Burushaskibäba‘father (in royal circles), ’ Nahali aba
∼ba.Kuiper (1962: 58) regards the Nahali form as a borrowing
from Kurku (Munda).
91 FIELD *käb-, Ketò-γup, Kotth¯ıp-¯ eg, Arin´
kaba∼´ qabi.
92 FIR/SPRUCE *di-˜ ne, Ketd¯ı-˜ n, Yugdi-n, Kottt¯ ıni, Arintin, Pumpokoldi-˜ne, Assantin. Bengtson and Blaˇzek (1992) compare the
Yeniseian forms with Burushaskith¯ on‘coriander’ and Proto-SinoTibetan *taÑ‘pine.’
93 FIRE *bo÷k, Ketbò÷k, Yugbò÷k, Pumpokolbuˇc. Cf. Burushaski
pfu, Nahali¯apo.
94 FISH TRAP *d¯ob-, KetdòÌvë∼dòÌbë. Cf. Proto-Lezghian *t’ap’.
95 FIST *käÌÑq-, KetkòÌRë∼kòq, Yugk¯u
h
x, KotthaÑkan. Cf. ProtoDagestanian *χink’
w
i-. Bengtson (pers. comm.) adds Eyakgu÷k’.
96 FIVE *q¨aka, Ketq¯ak, Yugxak, Kottk
h
¯eg¨ a, Arinqaga, Pumpokol
xej-laÑ. Bengtson (pers. comm.) compares these forms with Eyak
q’ëq’‘fist.’
97 FLEE *ˇcaq-, Kettòq-tët, Yugˇcattat, Kottˇcagant
h
ak.
103 FOOT 2 *bul, Ketb¯u¥, Yugbul, Kottpul, Arinpil. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *m¨aH¨at
lh
ë‘(toe-)nail, hoof, ’ Sino-Tibetan: Tibetanbol‘upper part of the leg, ’ Old Chinese *bëj (< *bël) ‘calf of
the leg.’
104 FOUR *sika, Ket´s¯ ık, Yugsik, Kottˇs¯ eg¨ a, Arinˇsaga, Pumpokol
cia-Ñ.
109 GLUE *pi÷t, Kethi÷t, Yugfi÷t, Ketf¯ ıt. Cf. Proto-Dagestanian
*p
h
in¯ c’
w
ä‘resin, tar, ’ Proto-Nax >Chechenmutta‘sap.’
110 GO *hejäÑ, Ket¯ejeÑ, YugejiÑ, KotthejaÑ. Cf. Basquej-oan. Starostin
(1984: 25) compares the Yeniseian forms with Proto-East Caucasian
*÷ä÷wä-n-and Proto-Sino-Tibetan *÷
w
˘a(Ñ), Old Chinese *w(h)´aÑ.
111 GOOD *haq-, Ketaq-ta, Yugax-ta, Kotthag-ˇsi, Arinbergar-i-ktu.
114 GRASS *gäre, Kottkeri. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *q’älä∼
*q’Iälä, Nahaliˇjhara. According to Kuiper (1962: 81), the Nahali
form is borrowed from Kurku (Munda).
173 MOUTH *χowe, Ketq¯o, Yugxo, Kotth¯opi, Assanxoboj.Starostin
(1984: 24) compares the Yeniseian forms with Proto-Sino-Tibetan
*Kh¯o(w)Hand Proto-(North) Caucasiank’
w
˘el÷-V.Bengtson and
Blaˇzek (1992) add Basquea-ho.
175 MY *b-∼ *÷ab-, Ket¯ap∼¯abë, ba- ∼bo-(first-person marker on
verbs). Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *nä‘I, ’ Proto-Tibeto-Burman *Ña‘I, ’
Old Chinese *Ña‘I.’
181 NET *pë÷Ñ, Kethä÷Ñ, Yugfä÷Ñ, KottfuÑ, Arinpen.
182 NETTLE *kita, Ketk¯ıtn, Yugkitn‘nettle, hemp, ’ Kott h¯ıta
‘hemp.’ Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *¯q
h
I¨ uˇc
h
u‘nettle, grass.’
183 NEW *tur-∼ *tul, Yugtul-i-m. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian
*c’¨anhä, Proto-Tibeto-Burman *siÑ, Old Chinese *sin.Alternatively, the Proto-Yeniseian form might be compared with ProtoTibeto-Burman *sar‘new, fresh’ and Old Chinese *sar‘fresh.’
184 NIGHT *siG, Ket´s¯ ı, Yugsi, Kottˇs¯ ıg, Arinsaj, Pumpokolteˇ c.
Cf. also Proto-Yeniseian *säm-‘sleep’ below.
185 NIGHT (SPEND THE —) *saGar1, Kets¯ al, Yugs¯ a
h
r, Kottˇsagal
‘spending the night, ’ ha-ˇc¯ agal‘spend the night, ’ Pumpokol t¯ ol
‘night.’ Cf. Basque gau‘night, ’ Na-Dene: Haida Gal‘night, ’ Eyak
χët
l
’ ‘night, ’ Carrier γe¬ ‘night, ’ Kato ka¬
h
‘night passes, ’ Chipewyan
xi¬ ‘darkness, ’ Navajo di-¬-xi¬ ‘black.’
186 NINE *ˇjum-, Kottˇcum-n¯ aga. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian
*¿är´ c’
w
äm-.
188 NO/NOT 1 *wë-, Ketbë-n, Yugbë-´ n, Kottmo-n(< *bo-n), Arin
bo-n, Pumpokola-mu-t(< *a-wu-n-t). Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian
*mä, Proto-Tibeto-Burman *ma, Old Chinese *ma, ?Burushaskibè,
?Nahalibeko‘no, ’ bet.e‘not, ’ biˇji ‘not.’ The Nahali form is considered by Kuiper (1962: 62) a borrowing from Kurku (Munda).
189 NO/NOT 2 *÷at∼ *ta-, Ket¯at‘not, ’ t¯ aÑ‘no, ’ Yug ata‘not, ’ t¯ aÑë
bëÌ ´s‘not at all.’ Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *tä, Proto-Tibeto-Burman
*ta(prohibitive particle), Nahalihot.
(used with the past tense).
Kuiper (1962: 77) suggests that the Nahali form is a Munda borrowing.
231 SHOULDER *ken-, Ketkèn-të-bu¥‘shoulder joint, ’ Kott h¯enar,
Arinq´ınaÑ∼xinaÑ‘shoulder, arm.’ Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian
*GÌ
w
Ii-nä∼ *ni-GÌ
w
Iä‘shoulder, arm, ’ Old Chinese *q¯en, Nahali
khand.
a, Na-Dene: Ingalik-g` αn‘arm, ’ Tanana gan‘arm, ’ Tlatskanai
okane‘arm, ’ Navajo gaan‘arm.’ According to Kuiper (1962: 85),
the Nahali form is borrowed from Kurku (Munda).
232 SIX *÷aχä, Ket¯a, Yug¯a, Arin¨ogga∼i-ga, PumpokolaggiaÑ. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *÷¨ar¨an¯t
lh(w)
i- , Proto-Tibeto-Burman *(d)ruk, Old
Chinese *ruk.
233 (ANIMAL) SKIN *s¯¨as, Ket´s¯ a´si, Yugs¯ a
h
s, Kottˇs¯ et. Bengtson
(pers. comm.) adds the following Na-Dene forms: Tlingitd
z
as, Hupa
sit
s
’ ‘bark, skin, ’ Galice -saas, Navajos` ıs.
235 SLAVE/SERVANT *har-, Kottharan-get‘slave, servant, ’ Arin
ar(a)‘self name of the Arin.’ Cf. ?Nahali halk‘servant.’ Kuiper
(1962: 75) derives the Nahali form from Indo-Aryan *h¯alk.
238 SLEEP 2(n.) *säm-, Kottˇsame. Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *Hi
¯
´ c
w
inë
∼ *Hini
¯
´ c
w
ë‘night, sleep.’ According to Starostin, the Yeniseian
form is in all likelihood related to Proto-Yeniseian *siG‘night, ’ which
Starostin derives from an earlier *sim-G. Starostin (1989a: 64) adds
Proto-Sino-Tibetan *chen‘night, darkness.’ Bengtson and Blaˇ zek
(1992) compare these forms with Basquea-mets‘dream’ (with metathesis), Tlingitˇcun‘dream, ’ and Eyak t
s¯˜ı-d
z
‘dream.’
250 SPOON *kalp, Kottxalpen, Arinki-l´p
h
an, Pumpokolhapi. Cf. Burushaskikhäpún.
251 SPRING (season) *x¯ı- ˇ je, Ket¯ı- dë∼¯ı-´ ri, Yug¯ı-h
t
, Kott¯ıji, Arinkej.
252 SPRING/WATERHOLE IN THE ICE *sin-, Ket´sin¥, Yugsini-r,
KottˇsinaÑ. Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *÷-w
i-n(i -)¯ c
h
ä, Old Chinese *ceÑ÷
‘well.’ Bengtson (1991b: 133) adds Basque hosin‘well, pool.’
253 SQUIRREL *sa÷qa, Ketsa÷q, Yugsa÷x∼sa÷q, Kottˇsaga, Arin
sava, Pumpokoltak, Assanˇsaga. Cf. Na-Dene: Haidaga¬t
s
’aak
w
,
Tlingitt
s
älk, Eyakt
s
ët
l
k, Galicesalas.
254 STAR *qòÌqa, KetqòR, YugxòÌ
h
x, Kottalaga(< *al-xaga), Arin
il-koj ∼il-xok, Pumpokolkaken. Cf. Na-Dene: Haidak¯ung‘sun, ’
Tlingitkuk-kan∼k’akan∼Gagan‘sun.’
255 STERLET (kind of fish) *÷ok, Ket¯ok, Yugok, Pumpokolot.
257 STONE *ˇci-÷s, Ketti-÷´s, Yugˇci-÷s, Kottˇs¯ ıˇ s, Arinkes, Pumpokol
kit, Assanˇsiˇ s. Bengtson (pers. comm.) compares the Yeniseian
forms with Burushaskiˇciˇ s
. ‘mountain, hill’ and Eyak ˇciiˇ s‘beach,
sand bank, gravel bank, sand, gravel.’
266 SWAMP/LAKE *t¨ak-, Kettaγ-ò‘(large) swamp, ’ Kott ol-t¯eg∼
ol-t¯ex‘swamp, ’ Assan ol-tegan‘lake.’ Cf. Proto-Lezghian *¯ta
¯
kar
‘pond, lake, swamp.’
267 SWAN *ˇcike, Kett¯ ıγë, Yugˇcik, Kottˇs¯ ıgi.
268 SWEET *pir1-, Keth¯ı¥‘sweet mass under the crust of a birch
tree, ’hi¥aÑ‘sweet, ’ Yug fi÷r ‘sweet mass under the crust of a birch
tree, ’fòran‘sweet, ’ Kott fil‘sap of a tree, ’ p
h
alaÑ∼falaÑ, Arin
kulun-pala.
269 TAIL *puGaˇj, Keth¯ut, Yugf¯ ut, Kottp
h
ugai∼fugai, Arin´ p
h
ugaj,
Assanpugaj. Cf. Nahalipago.
270 TEN 1 *χòGa, Ketq¯o, Yugxo, Kotth¯aga, Arinhioga∼qoa∼
kova, PumpokolxajaÑ. Bengtson and Blaˇzek (1992) compare these
forms with Basque hogoi‘20, ’ Proto-(North) Caucasian *Gë‘20, ’
and, in Na-Dene, Tlingit-qa‘20, ’ and Eyak G¯a‘10.’ The Caucasian–
Na-Dene comparison was first suggested by Nikolaev (1991: 55).
271 TEN 2 *tu÷-Ñ, Kott-thukÑ, Arin-th¯ un. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *w-enc’i-, Proto-Tibeto-Burman *tsiy∼ *ts(y)ay.Bengtson
(pers. comm.) compares these forms with Basque-tzi (as inbederatzi‘9, ’ zor-tzi‘8’).
278 THOU/YOU *kä-∼ *÷äk-, Ketk-∼ku-(second-person singular
personal prefix), kèÑ(second-person plural personal prefix), ëÌk(Ñ)
‘you, ’ ¯ uk‘thy, ’ Yug k-∼ku-(second-person singular personal prefix), kèÑ(second-person plural personal prefix), (k)ëkÑ‘you, ’ uk
‘thy, ’ Pumpokol ajaÑ‘you.’ Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *Ru∼ *÷äR-‘thou, ’ Proto-Nax *Ho∼ *÷ah‘thou, ’ Proto-Tibeto-Burman *k(w)äj
‘thou.’
279 THREE *do÷Ña, Ketdò÷ Ñ∼d¯oÑ, Yugdò÷ Ñ∼doÑ, Kottt¯ oÑa,
Arint¯ uÑa, PumpokoldoÑa. Cf. Proto-Dagestanian *
¯
´s
wimHä, ProtoTibeto-Burman *g-sum, Old Chinese *sëÌm.
280 THROAT *këräd∼ *gëräd, Ketkä¥it, Yugkälat, Arinu-kurii.
Cf. Nahaligard.
an, Na-Dene: Haidaha¬ ∼χil ‘neck, ’ Tlingit ka¬-dukh‘neck.’ Kuiper (1962: 73) compares the Nahali form with a
similar Hindi word.
283 TWO *xi--na, Keti- n , Yugi-n, Kott¯ına, Arinkina, Pumpokol
hineaÑ. Cf. Proto-(North) Caucasian *q’
w
I¨ a, Proto-Tibeto-Burman
*g-ni-s, Old Chinese *nij-s.
293 WHITE *t¨ak-∼ *t¨akam, Kettaγam, Yugtig-bèÌ
h
s, Kottt
h
¯egam
∼t
h
¯ekam, Arint¯ ama, Pumpokoltam-xo, Assantegama∼tiekama.
Cf. Na-Dene: Eyakt
s
e÷q‘yellow, ’ Tanaina tsëk‘yellow, ’ Galice t
s
’oh
‘yellow, ’ Navajo t
s
`o‘yellow.’
294 WHO 1 *wi-∼ *we-, Ketbi-´s´ se(masc.), bè-´ sa(fem.), bi-¥a‘how, ’
bi-¥è´s‘where, ’ Yug bè-tta, bi-rè‘how, ’ bi-rès‘where, ’ Kott bi-li
‘where, ’ bi-¥¨aÑ‘what.’ Bengtson and Blaˇ zek (1992) compare the
Yeniseian forms with Caucasian forms such as Archiba-sa‘when’
and Godoberie-bu‘what, ’ with Burushaski be‘what, ’ be-se‘why, ’
and with Sino-Tibetan forms such as Burmeseba‘what’ and Karen
bei‘what, how.’
302 WITCH/SHE-DEVIL *qos, Ketqò´sèd-èm, Yugxòsed-èm.
Cf. Proto-Lezghian *q
w
arc‘brownie (a small sprite), ’ Proto-AbkhazAdyg *R
w
ësët‘devil, ’ Burushaski gús-‘she-, woman.’
303 WOLVERINE 1 *k¯ u˜n, Ketk¯u˜ne, Yugk¯u
h
n, Pumpokolkun.Bengtson (pers. comm.) compares these forms with Basque *-konHin
harz-koin‘badger’; for the first element in this compound, see the
Proto-Yeniseian word for BADGER above.
304 WOLVERINE 2 *pestap, Kottfeˇ stap∼p
h
eˇ stap, Arin´ p
h
jastap,
Assanpestap.Starostin (1984: 29) compares the first syllable of
the Proto-Yeniseian reconstruction with Proto-(North) Caucasian
*b˘eH˘ erc’i‘wolf ’ and with Old Chinese *pr¯ at-s‘mythical predator.’
Bengtson (1991a: 103) adds Basquepotzo‘wolf, big dog.’
311 YEAR *s¯ı-Ga, Ket´s¯ ı-, Yugs¯ ı- , Kottˇs¯ ega, Arinˇs
h
ej, Pumpokolciku.
312 YELLOW *su´r-, Ketsulemam, Kottˇsui, Pumpokoltul-si. Bengtson (1991a: 111) compares the Yeniseian forms with Basquezuri
‘white’ and Proto-(North) Caucasian *h
w
¨o-ˇc’
w
¨orä‘gray, yellow.’
313 YESTERDAY *käns-, Yugkisò‰ Ñ, Kotthonˇc-ig, Arinkanˇji, Assan
xonˇji. Bengtson (pers. comm.) compares the Yeniseian forms with
Burushaskigunc‘day.’
References
Bengtson, John D. 1991a. “Notes on Sino-Caucasian, ” in Shevoroshkin, ed., 1991: 67–129.
Starostin, Sergei A. 1982. “Prajenisejskaja rekonstruktsija i vneˇsnie svjazienisejskix jazykov, ”Ketskij sbornik. Leningrad, 144–237.
... 1984. “Gipoteza o genetiˇ ceskix svjazjax sinotibetskix jazykov s enisejskimi i severnokavkazskimi jazykami,
”Lingvistiˇceskaja rekonstruktsija i drevnejˇsaja istorija vostoka 4, Moscow, 19–38.
[English translation in Shevoroshkin, ed., 1991: 12–41.]
... 1989a. “Nostratic and Sino-Caucasian, ” in Vitaly Shevoroshkin, ed.,
Explorations in Language Macrofamilies. Bochum, Germany, 42–66.