SAA: cuođđe- -đ- 'go outside the herd to look for female reindeer (of a weak male reindeer in the rutting season)' (N); t́š́ш̆ǝ̆.δδ̄ɛ̄ (I) 'Rentierstier, der besiegt wurde und der danach die Flucht ergriffen hat'
NEN: sāje- (T) 'balzen (ein Vogel, z. B. Schneehuhn, Gans, Wildente u.a.)'
RESHET: Ur. *c- because of the correspondence Perm. *č'- ~ Ugr. *s-. In КЭСКЯ, the Komi word is compared with Mar. čuaš 'to flatter', Finn suosi-a 'to be favorable, love, protect', while Finn suota and Hun. szalad- are looked on as related to Komi dial. c'ul-av- 'to elapse (of time)', Pm. c'uv-э̇t- 'to spend (of time)' (the latter comparison is given also in ИВПЯ 218). This solution is obviously wrong (for Komi dial. c'ul- 'to pass, to elapse (of time)' cf. Nen. săl 'a period of time'). Does Hun. szilaj 'unbändig, ungestüm, wild, feurig' also belong here? -i- may be < Ur. *ō in another stem type (Hun. sal- < */s'/ōδa-, but sil- < */s'/ōδ/e/-? - cf. OCНЯ I: XXII-XXVI). Ur. *-δ- > Sam. *-j- (instead of *-r-) - irregular; still we can suppose unique, but probably not sporadic (assimilative) development (*cōδa >) *c'aδV > *s'aδV- > *s'aδ'V- (whence regularly the form with *-j-), since we have no other examples of reflexation of the Ur. structure *c(')VδV in Samoyed (cf. the comment in UEW).
LIT: FUV; SKES; КЭСКЯ (the Komi word compared with other material, Finn and Hun. erroneously compared with another Komi word); MSzFgrE; TESz; Bár.SzófSz; ИВПЯ 218 (wrong comparison!); Coll.CompGr. 110
№: 51
PROTO-URALIC: *ćaka
MEANING: drift-ice, thin ice
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: Treibeis; dünnes Eis
SAA: čuokke -g- 'ice-crust on pasture' (N), tjuohke (L) 'Eisüberzug des Bodens'
KHN: t́oɣ (V) 'dünnes Eis, das vor dem Zufrieren des Flusses in der Strömung treibt; Eisgrieß, fein zermahlenes Eis'
MAN: sai̊ (LM) 'Treibeis'
UGR: zaj, szaj, saj (dial.) 'Eisstoß, Eistreiben; erste Eisbildung, dünne Eisdecke auf der Wasseroberfläche'
RESHET: L. Honti (HontiGObV 131) compares the Khanty form with MSs. s'ūŋk 'Eiskruste' (obviously not related to MML. sai̥) and reconstructs Proto-Ob-Ugric *c'V̄ŋk. This comparison is obviously also acceptable, since the correspondence Khanty *-ɣ ~ Mansi *-ŋk (
UGR: csir, PxSg3 csirja (dial.) 'Dippeleisen, Torstift, der sich im Zapfenlager dreht; Zapfen der Sensenangel, der in den Eiseneinsatz des Ringes am Sensenbaum eindringt' (?)
RESHET: A case of Uralic *ɨ in the first syllable? In Finn, the variants with -ä- (säränä, seränä) are secondary. In Komi, -i- in Ss. and Pm. < -ɨ- (< *-u̇-) under influence of the initial ʒ'-, as noted in UEW (the same phenomenon in Udm. з̇̇иры mentioned by Lytkin); the presence of original *-u̇- (< Ur. *-ɨ-?) in Perm. is proved not only by Udm., but also by Komi PO, where -ʌ- regularly < *-u̇- (cf. ИВПЯ 186-187 about reflexes of Proto-Permic *-u̇-); V.I. Lytkin is wrong interpreting this word as a case of Proto-Permic *i (ИВПЯ 178). Hun. -i- < *-ɨ-, as certified by the px. vowel: csir-ja, not **csir-je!. On the other hand, it is rather -a- < *-ɨ- that would be expected in the first syllable in Hun. because of the original a-stem indicated by Finn (Finn sara- < *c'ɨra, not *c'ɨr/e/).
SAA: šiešše (T) 'Gerüst aus Baumzweigen für die Vogelschlinge', šieš̨́š̨(E) (Kld.) 'Vogelschlinge' (?)
MAR: ćüćaš (C) 'Vogelschlinge am Ende eines gebogenes Baumzweiges' (?)
KHN: sesǝɣ (V) 'Falle für Birkhühner, Füchse', sesǝ (DN) 'Falle für Birkhühner, Hasen', ses (O) 'Falle (für Waldvögel, Hasen u.a.)'
RESHET: UEW gives here also Lapp. Kol., Ter. šiešše 'frame of tree branches for bird catching noose', Kld. šieš'̣ṣ̌[e] 'noose for birds' (< Proto-Lapp. *šɛ̄ššē) with a note: "das lapp. Wort ist wegen seines anlautenden š möglicherweise erst spät entstanden". In Lapp., there are rather few words containing Proto-Lapp. *(-)š(š)-; most of them are borrowed from Finnic or have unknown origin. Anyway, we have no reason to consider Lapp. *š- a reflex of Ur. *c'- (in my reconstruction *c- as opposed to *c'- because of *s- in Ugric). The most plausible explanation is that Lapp. *šɛ̄ššē is a result of borrowing a regular Finnic form like *säsä (< Ur. *cäcä), which was later lost. Vowel substitutions (Finnic *-ä- > Lapp. *-ɛ̄-, *-ä > *-ē) are regular; for the substitution *(-)s- > *(-)š- cf. Lapp. *šэlmē 'eye of axe' < Finnic *silmä 'eye (of axe)' etc. In Komi, it is -с'(-) (not -s(-)) that would be expected as a reflex of the Ur. affricate, which makes Rédei deny the Komi word its belonging to this etymon. Still alternative solutions can't be excluded: in particular, -s(-) may have replaced a regular -c'(-) under dissimilative influence of initial c'-. The relation of the FU forms to the Samoyed word mentioned in Helimski's comment is highly improbable because of *j- in Sam.
GERMMEAN: harter Schnee; abgeweidetes, fest getretenes Land im Winter
SAA: čiegâr -kk- (N) 'snow-field which has been trampled and dug up by reindeer', tjiekar (L) 'von Rentieren im Winter aufgescharrtes und abgeweidetes Gebiet', čīɣar (Kld.), čieɣar (Not.) 'Weideplatz der Rentierherde', či̊gr-sijje (T) 'Weideplatz' ( > Finn. kiekerö)
KHN: t́ăɣǝr (J) 'Weideplatz der Rentiere od. der Elentiere im Winter, wo der Schnee plattgetreten ist', t́ăɣǝr (DT), śăχǝr (O) (?), t́i̮ɣǝr (V) 'Schneewehe' (?)
RESHET: Lapp. > Finn kiekerö 'Winterweideplatz der Rentierherde'. The Sam. material raises some problems: in Kms., š- is not a regular reflex of *s-, but before a palatal vowel, *-e- in particular, the correspondence Nen. s'- ~ Kms. š- points to Sam. *k-, although Proto-Sam. reconstruction *kekV- makes the FU-Sam. comparison in question impossible.
RESHET: In Lapp. 'small piece of bone' < 'fragment, piece broken off'; note that this form contains -m, which is apparently a noun-forming suffix (the comparison with Lapp. is suggested by me - Resh.).
RESHET: The same problem as in URAET 56: š- (< *k-?) in Kms.!
LIT: FUV; Budenz MUSz 805; SKES; Coll.IUrSprg. 57
№: 61
PROTO-URALIC: *ćečä
MEANING: uncle
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: Onkel
FIN: setä 'Onkel, Oheim (väterlicherseits)'
EST: sedi (dial.) 'Onkel mütterlicherseits' ( < Finn.?)
SAA: čäcce -ǟʒ- (N) 'father's brother, paternal uncle, younger than the father', tjiehtjē, tjǟhtjē (L) 'Vaterbruder, Onkel väterlicherseits', čiecce (T), t́š́ieD̨t̨s̨E (Klk.), t́š́ieɔt̨t̨s̨E (Not.) 'jüngerer Bruder des Vaters'
MRD: čiče (E) 'der Mann der Schwester, der älter ist als ich', ščava, śćava (M) 'Großmutter mütterlicherseits', ščät́a, ščät́ä 'Großvater mütterlicherseits', śćenä, śćinä 'Mutterbruder'
MAR: čǝčǝ (KB), ćüćö (U), čüčö, tüčü (B) 'Oheim, Mutterbruder (KB U), jüngerer Bruder der Mutter' (B)
GERMMEAN: das Geweih vom Bast reinigen (durch Reiben an einem Baum; vom Rentier)
SAA: čâlǒ-, čâlâ-, t́š́ola̯-, čâllâ- -l- (N) 'rub the antlers against smth. to get the skin off', tjalla- (L) 'abkratzen, -schälen, abreißen (z. B. die Rinde von Zweigen, den Bast etc.), t́š́âллα- (Kld.), t́š́ɛ̮̑ллa̮- (T), t́š́ɛ̮ллα- (Ko. Not.) 'das Geweih an einem Baum u. dgl. reiben, um es vom Bast zu befreien (Rentier)' ( > Finn. kelo, kilo, keloa-, kilaa-)
NEN: śelā- 'das Geweih von der Haut reinigen (durch Reiben an einem Baum; von einem Rentier); die Rinde von einem Baum reiben (das Rentier mit seinem Geweih)'
RESHET: FB doesn't distinguish Ur. *s'-, *c'- and *s-, Lapp. *c'- and Mord *s'- both may reflect Ur. *c'- or *s'-, while Mar. *š- points rather to a sibilant, i.e. to *s'- (although some cases of Mari *š- < Ur.*c'- also exist). Hun. *š- indicates Ugr. *č-, which is neither a regular reflex of *s'- nor that of *c'-. However, if we reconstruct here *s'- (or still *c'-?), it is interesting to compare this material with Sam. *kǝsǝl / *kǝsǝr 'wart' (Janh.SW 55) - with a metathesis, but absolutely regular consonant reflexes (Sam. *s < Ur. *s' or *c') not counting the variant hăsăr (< *kǝsǝr) in Tundra Nenets (instead of the isolated and phonetically problematic Selk. šɨ̄la / sēla 'wart').
GERMMEAN: Zugriemen des Schlittens; den Hund an den Schlitten spannen
SAA: čâdnâ- (-n-) 'tie; bind, fasten by tying, catch and tie (reindeer)' (N), tjatna- (L) 'binden, fest-, anbinden' (L), tšɛ̮̄nnα- 'binden'
NEN: śān (O), sānnī (P) 'Knochen am Halfter; Halfter; Halsband, womit das Argischrentier hinter den vorangehenden Schlitten gebunden ist' ( > Komi I śan 'лобная косточка уздечки', Khanty Kaz. śaṇǝw, O śȧn 'Zügel-, Zaumknochen des Rentiers', Mansi Sy. śānǝw 'Rentierzaum, Riemen über den Augen des Rentiers')
RESHET: However, I consider the final rejection of this comparison premature.
UGR: seg, ség 'Hügel' (?) (in GN: Balag-seg, Seg-hegy, Seges-vár)
RESHET: For the reconstruction variants in Ugric see Notes in UGRET 58. Despite UEW, Mar. *šuŋgǝ is likely to have another origin than Mar. Mnt. šüŋɣä (cf. Bereczki 73 vs. Bereczki 71) - see URAET 86, MARET 24.
GERMMEAN: eine Art Schneidwerkzeug: Axt, Beil, Messer
SAA: čorhko (N) 'securis cuiusmodi', t́š́o̮rRkuo̯ (Wfs.) 'Beil, große Axt'
KHN: t́oχǝr (DN) 'ein Gerät zum Glätten und Beschneiden von kanten', śurǝ (Ni.) 'schmales Messer (zum Graben von Löchern)', śŏχri (O) 'Messer mit schmaler Schneide (zum Graben von Löchern')
MAN: śoχri (N) 'Messer mit schmaler Schneide' (Khanty or Mansi > Komi I ćukri 'schmales, langes Messer, mit dem man Löcher aushöhlt'
RESHET: It is interesting to note Komi Iž. c'ukri 'schmales, langes Messer, mit dem man Löcher aushöhlt', Pc. c'ukri purt, Ud. c'ukɨr purt 'narrow long knife' (purt 'knife'), which are evidently borrowed from Khanty or Mansi.
RESHET: It is probable that Lap. *c'orэk 'small reindeer herd' (Lehtiranta 26) should also be regarded as belonging to this etymon (with a metathesis *c'okэr > *c'orэk, which makes the comparison somewhat questionable; on the other hand, at present we are unable to suggest any alternative etymology for this Lap. word).
LIT: Budenz MUSz. 377; Bár.SzófSz; MSzFgrE; TESz
KHN: t́ŏmpal (DN) 'Kelle von Birkenrinde', śŭmpal (Kaz.) 'Trinkgefäß aus Birkenrinde' ( > Komi Ud. ćumpeĺ 'Schöpfgefäß aus Birkenrinde' > Veps. čumb id., čumbūne)
MAN: śumpǝl (KU), śumpal (So.) 'Trinkgefäß aus Birkenrinde'
UGR: csobolyó, csobolya, csoborló, csorbolyó, csobilló, csubujó (dial.) 'Handlägel; flaches Fäßchen; kleines rundes Holzgefäß für Wasser oder Wein' ?
RESHET: Ur. *ɨ in the first syllable? In Perm., -i- may be < -ɨ- (< *-u̇- < ? Ur. *-ɨ-) after *c'- (cf. development of -ɨ- in Komi and Udmurt in URAET 53 (PRMET 28)).
SAA: čǫp'pe -pp- (N) 'bag-shaped end of a skin rug, for putting the feet in', tjuhppa (L) (?) 'Spitze, Zipfel von kleineren Gegenständen', tjupō (?) 'in die Höhe stehend wie eine Lappenmütze', t́š́uɔ̄p(A) (T), t́š́uɔ̀p̀(A) (Kld.), t́š́uɔp̀pA (Not.) 'Innenteil des Bootes; Sackbeutel; Fußsack der Felldecke' ? [tjuhppa etc. - rather to *ćuppV 'tip']
RESHET: -i- in Finn suippu may be due to a contamination with huippu 'summit, top'.
LIT: КЭСКЯ; EtSz; MSzFgrE; TESz
№: 81
PROTO-URALIC: *ćuppV
MEANING: vessel, pot (of birch bark)
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: Gefäss, Töpfchen (aus Birkenrinde)
KOM: ćibĺe̮g (S), ćipĺe̮g (Lu.) 'kleines Trinkgefäß aus Birkenrinde', ćipi̮š (S) 'Salzdose aus Birkenrinde', (Mez.) 'geflochtener Korb, der auf dem Rücken getragen wird'
RESHET: A comparison of few forms reflecting Lapp. *c'uttā 'ankle etc.' (see LAPET 41) with Hun. csont 'bone', not persuasive phonetically (Lapp. *-tt- ~ Hun. -nt) and rejected by me (Hun. csont probably to *c'olme 'knot' - see URAET 68, UGRET 60).
LIT: Bár.SzófSz; EtSz; TESz
№: 83
PROTO-URALIC: *ćVjmV (śVjmV)
MEANING: loins, groin
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: Leistengegend, ?Weiche, ?Kreuz
SAA: ši̊jms (T) 'Weiche' ?
KHN: săjǝm (jăt numpe) (DN) 'Stelle über den Weichen, Taille?', sojǝm, sŏjǝm (jăt) (Kr.) 'Taille, Vorderseite der Taille', sǫjǝm (Kaz.) 'Leistengegend, Kreuz' ?
SMD: *sujV- ~ *süjV-
RESHET: š- in Lapp.: the same situation as in URAET 55? The Uralic form with *-mV may be reflected also in Sam.: cf. Forest Nenets x̣ụjjem.
№: 84
PROTO-URALIC: *ćVkčV (-kkV)
MEANING: black currant
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: schwarze Johannisbeere; Ribes nigrum
EST: sitik (gen. sitiku, sitike) 'schwarze Johannisbeere, Bocksbeere; Ribes nigrum'
RESHET: Mar. and Ug. reflect a variant with a velar vowel (*-u-?) as opposed to *c'ilkV- (also Perm.? - cf. Komi ʒ'ul- discussed in PRMET 42). At first sight, Hun. csill- seems to reflect *c'ilkV-, but note the velar vocalism in the suffixes (csill-og, csill-ám).
MAN: ćakǝ.l (TJ), śaχǝl (KU), śokǝl (LM) 'Haufen, Insel, Hügel' ? (see also under *ćukkV)
UGR: ság (altung.) 'Hügel, Berg' ?
RESHET: Mansi to 75 (UGRET 66). The Mar.-Hun. parallel in question presupposes a reconstruction *čuŋkV. In UEW, a Mansi word represented by LK s'aχǝl 'Insel (auf dem Wiese, auf dem Sumpf)', MTY. c'akǝ̇l 'Haufen' etc. is also listed in this entry, but it rather goes back to PU *c'ukkV 'Hügel, Spitze' (this etymology is also taken into account in UEW) - see URAET 75 (> UGRET 66). Despite Rédei, Mord. Mks. c'onga 'island' as well as Mar. Bir. c'aŋɣa, Urz. c'oŋɣa 'Hügelspitze', Mnt. cǝ̇ŋɣa 'Kniescheibe' and some other similar Mar. forms going back to Proto-Mari *c'oŋga and *c'uŋga hardly can be qualified as historical cognates of Hun. ság - they rather should be considered old Iranian loanwords (cf. Osset. c'ong 'point, top, peak'), see Bereczki 91.
UGR: csün- (dial.) 'erschlaffen, welken; im Wachsen stehen bleiben, klein bleiben'
RESHET: In UEW, this material is compared with Selk. šün-či- 'to cease; to be used up', šyn-jemdša- 'to diminish, to lessen (tr.)' and Kms. šö(-)j-dǝ- 'to diminish, to lessen (tr.), to cut down; to limit, to restrict; to finish (tr.)', but š- in Selk. and Kms. goes back to *k- (a result of assibilation before *-ü-), which makes me exclude the Sam. words from the comparison (cf. the situation in URAET 56 and 60, where, however, I preliminarily refrained from rejecting the comparison with Sam. because of absence of Selk. material).
RESHET: For Mari, cf. Chuv. čǝbǝt- 'to pinch', čǝpt-ǝm, čǝpk-ǝm 'a pinch, thimbleful', which is "phonetically strange" (ALTET 298, TURCET 444). An irregular change in its shape (-b- instead of expected -m-) may be due just to Mari influence. Note that the Mari word hardly can be borrowed from Chuv.; Mari *-w- as a counterpart of reflexes of Uralc *-pp- is not a reason for doubting Uralic origin of the word (cf., for instance, URAET 21, 92).
LIT: Budenz MUSz.369; VglWb. 751; Bár.SzófSz; MSzFgrE; EtSz; TESz
№: 92
PROTO-URALIC: *ćEppV
MEANING: drop; to drip
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: Tropfen; tropfen
SAA: cahpa- (T) 'träufeln'
MAR: čeve- 'tropfen', cǝwǝlte- (KB), ćǝ̑wǝ̑lte- (U) 'das Kind baden; mit Wasser begießen' ?
RESHET: A rather complicated case. Lapp. doesn't correspond to Komi and Hun. with regard to vocalism, while the consonant structure of the Komi forms is difficult to deduce from a protoform indicated by Hun. and Lapp. Besides, Komi actually shows two different roots, which are to be distinuished from each other, but at present cannot be with certainty separated etymologically (z'uz ~ z'us' 'a kind of falkon' vs. s'uz' 'eagle owl (Strix bubo)').
LIT: MSzFgrE; TESz
№: 95
PROTO-URALIC: *čačV (*čočV)
MEANING: a k. of pallet, floor, bed
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: eine Art Pritsche
UDM: ǯi̮ǯol (S), žǝ̑žol (K), ʒi̮žol, ʒi̮žow (J) 'Pritsche, Lotterbank in einem Winkel der wotjakischen Stube, Raum unter Pritsche'
KOM: ǯoǯ (S P), ǯuǯ (PO) 'Diele, Fußboden', ǯoǯ-ul (S), ǯe̮ǯ-i̮.v (P) 'Raum, Keller unter dem Fußboden'
KHN: čuč (Trj.) 'Rand der Schlafpritsche', sus (O) 'eine Art breiter Pritsche aus Brettern an der Wand des Tschuwals'
RESHET: In UEW, two different Sam. roots are confounded: North Samoyed *tэnsǝ 'kin' (< Sam. *tэnsǝ ~ *cэnsǝ) > Nen. тэ̇нз, EKh. tìd'o, EBa. tìso, Nga. tansa and Selk. čaadš etc. 'id.' < Sam. *c/ä/cV. Only the latter can be compared with the FU words since they unambiguously point to a form without a medial *-n- and with a medial *-č- > Sam. *-c- (not *-s'- or *-c'- > Sam. *-s-!). Therefore, no PU variant with *-n- is to be supposed.
SAA: cuoʒ'ʒå -ʒʒ- (N) 'membrane; fleshy fibres on the inner side of the skin', tsuoddsa (L) 'Häutchen (im allg.); Häutchen, Membran (eines animalischen Bindegewebes)', tsŭŏD̀tsA (Ko. Not.), t́š́i̮mdts(A) (T.), tsùn̄dts(A) 'dünnes Häutchen (das man von der Fleischseite einer Haut abschabt)' ( > Finn. dial. sontu 'Häutchen')
KHN: čuṇč (Trj.) 'Lederhaut (des Felles), untere Haut des Felles, das Fleisch bedeckende Haut', sus (O) id.
SAMM2: *conci
LIT: FUV; DEWO 285; Coll.CompGr. 146, 397
№: 99
PROTO-URALIC: *čančV ~ *čačV
MEANING: to walk, step, go
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: schreiten, gehen
MRD: šašto- (E M), čašto- (E) 'sich bewegen; schieben, zuschieben', šanšne (E), šančk (ardo-) (M) 'galoppieren; in vollem Galopp fahren', šanža (M) 'langer Schritt, Sprung'
RESHET: Kms. and partly Selk. (to other etymological groups within Sam.); Nen., En., Ngan., Mtr. and partly Mord. > rec. 1800. In the corresponding entry of UEW, we evidently deal with four (!) different roots erroneously united. The Mord. root represented by Erz. šanš-ne, Mks. šanč-k 'im vollen Galopp', Mks. šanž-a 'langer Schritt, Sprung' etc. is likely to be a cognate of Sam. *tǝntV- (~ *c-, *-c-) 'laufen, traben (von Tieren)' (Janh.SW 147) > Kms. thon- 'galoppieren' (not mentioned in UEW), Mtr. танд-, NSam. *tǝnt-> Nen. тӑн-ета-, En. todd-eʔe-, Nga. tant-ā (accepting this comparison, we must reconstruct the Proto-Sam. form as *cǝncV-, supposing *č/a/nčV for PU), while Kms. t(h)ōn 'gehen, wandern' goes back to Sam. *tantǝ- (~ *c-, *-c-) 'treten' (Janh.SW 151) and the Selk. word attested as STa. tanda-, SKe. candsa-, SNm. čăndša- 'hinausgehen' - to Sam. *cǝnca- 'steigen' (Janh.SW 31); it should be stressed that all the three roots are to be distinguished from each other (so, in fact, we deal with material from three - not two! - etymological groups presented in Janh. SW). As for the Mord., OU and Selk. words listed in this record, they are (contrary to Rédei) apparently not related to the roots diskussed above, but it seems that they are really related to each other, going back to a protoform like *č/a/čV. Note that in this case (as well as in URAET 96) we have no variants of the type *CVCV/*CVNCV to deal with, since it appears more adequate to separate such forms as belonging to different etymological groups. See also URAET 1800, SAMDET 37 and MRDET 30.
RESHET: *-ā- in Lapp. is irregular: as a counterpart of Mord. -a- etc. < Ur. */a/, Lapp. *-ō- would be expected, while Lapp *-ā- usually reflects *-ä-; still I consider it possible to propose this comparison (appearance of secondary *-ā- < *-a- in Lapp. is attested in several cases).
RESHET: The Permic etymology is problematical regarding both consonantism and vokalism (the correspondence Komi -g- ~ Udm. -k- is irregular; Udmurt -o- as a counterpart of Komi -a-, occuring in some other cases, is one of the difficult points of Permic comparative vocalism) - cf. Helimski's note above; involving these Permic words in external comparison also raises some problems (although it is safe to say that the corresponding Proto-Permic form - or a Proto-Komi (Proto-Udmurt) one (without suffixes?) - is the source of Mari *čak 'nah, dicht, eng' (> Mnt. Bir. čak, Ufa c'ak etc.), whence Chuv. č'ak 'dicht (von Wald)' - see, besides Helimski's comment above, Bereczki Grundz. 97). On the other hand, one can suggest another (quite acceptable phonetically as well as semantically) Permic parallel for the Ob-Ugric *čǟk- 'ersticken': Komi čэk-mun- 'to choke over', Udmurt čok potɨ- 'to choke (over), to suffocate' < Proto-Permic *čɔ̇k (in my reconstruction *čɔ̈k) - a solution chosen in КЭСКЯ.
№: 104
PROTO-URALIC: *čänčä
MEANING: back
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: Rücken
FIN: häntä (gen. hännän) 'Schwanz, Schweif, Hinterleib'
KHN: čim- (Trj.) 'gären, aufsteigen (der Teig)', sim- (O) 'infolge von Feuchtigkeit mürbe werden, verderben; gärend aufsteigen (der Teig)'
RESHET: It is, indeed, quite difficult to explain the correspondence Perm. š ~ Khanty č. Should we treat Khanty *čim- as an old (Proto-Khanty or even Proto-Ob-Ugric) loan from Permic (Proto-Komi?) - with the substitution *š > *č for lack of *š in Proto-Khanty (as well as in Proto-(Ob)-Ugric)? Note that Permic loanwords in Khanty having š in the place of Permic š don't contradict this interpretation: they either were borrowed (chiefly from Komi) into some separate Khanty dialects, where š is present (being a result of a secondary development of *č-) or regularly arose in the same dialects as reflexes of Proto-Khanty words with *č- borrowed from Permic. For the vowel substitution (Permic *ȯ > Khanty *i) cf. ИВПЯ 152.
RESHET: The comparison of the Permic and Ugric words with the Lapp. one, absent in UEW, is proposed by me (Resh.). As for the initial č- instead of the expected š- in Hungarian, the authors of UEW regard it as a dilectal feature.
RESHET: Ur. *čō(n)č/e/. Why -e- in the first syllable in Mord.? The most plausible hypothesis is as follows: Mord. *-a- (< regularly *-ō- in an e-stem) > -e- under influence of the second syllable -e- (a kind of Umlaut usual for Mord., cf. URAET 31 > MRDET 14, URAET 30 > MRDET 13).
RESHET: Still compare Hun. sekély 'seicht, untief' (despite its rejection in UEW 61).
YUK: čoɣu 'seicht', čogunn'e- 'be shallow (of a river)'
LIT: FUV; SKES; Collinder CompGr. 52; Paas.Beitr. 55-56; Angere J. Die uralo-jukagirische Frage..., 1956: 128
№: 116
PROTO-URALIC: *čonče
MEANING: string (of a net)
RUSSMEAN:
GERMMEAN: Strick, Schnur (des Netzes)
SAA: tsuotse 'extremitas sagenae piscatoriae sive pars ultima', suohttsē (L) 'das "Tuch" eines Zugnetzes, das an den Enden der beiden Flügel angebracht ist', tsū̯ɔt̨̆t̨s̨ (Kld.), tsŭ̯ǝ̑ɔt̨́t̨s̨E (Not.) 'Verknotung zwischen dem Obersimm-Ende des Schleppnetzes und dem Endstrick' ( > Finn. suotsa 'Schlinge, die die Schnur des Netzes mit der anderen Schnur verknüpft') ?
RESHET: Still compare North Lapp. cḁʒ'ʒḁ 'fester Stein, Absatz oder ähnliches, wo man festen Fuß fassen kann an einem Steinhaufen oder an einer steilen Felswand oder im Flusse (Wichmann; Setälä; Paas.Beitr. 136; Toivonen: Vir. 1921:17, FUF 19:89) - despite its rejection in UEW 62. Contrary to Rédei, the hypothesis that the Lapp. cognate of the Mord. and Selk. words is Lul. sos̄o 'die Mittelstange in dem Gerüste, worauf man das Schleppnetz zum Trocknen hängt' is much less acceptable from the phonetical point of view, at least with regard to consonantism, since Lapp. (-)s-, unlike Lapp. c-/-ʒʒ-, can't be a reflex of *č indicated by the Selk. data (as for rules of vowel correspondences accepted in UEW, they are to be revised, and no decisive arguments can be based on them). For semantics of Lapp. cḁʒ'ʒḁ, cf. the meaning 'bridge' in Selk. (development 'bridge' > 'firm place' seems quite possible).
RESHET: The comparison with FB is suggested by me (Resh.). For semantics cf. the meaning attested in North Sam.: we may deal with development 'hide oneself' > 'disappear' (> 'get lost', 'be drowned', 'perish' etc.; cf. also the meaning 'to be (partly) hidden from view by smth.'). Ur. *šukkV-. Despite Rédei, it is better to keep the Sam. word (with its probable cognates) apart from Hun. csuk- 'to close, to lock' (because of cs- < *c'- in Hun.) comparing the latter with Udm. c'uka- 'to obstruct, block, bar; to detain, hamper' (cf. КЭСКЯ 312-313).
RESHET: Note the forms with a nasal suffix in Mord. and Hun. Should we recunstruct, alongside with *čupa, a protoform *čupa-n'/a/ (although FB has no forms reflecting this derivative)?
KOM: ǯek (S P PO) 'Stuhl; Klotz, Klotz zum Sitzen' ( > Khanty Kaz. šek 'Pfosten, Türsturz', O seχ 'neben der Tür, dem Fenster befindlicherf Teil der Wand')
UGR: csög, csök (dial.) 'Holzklotz, Stubben', csök 'in der Erde gebliebener Stumpf der abgeschnittenen Weidenrute'
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с советами, отзывами, замечаниями и предложениями.
